Томас Джефферсон
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 5 (of 9)
TO MR. BOYD
Washington, January 20, 1809.
Thomas Jefferson presents his compliments to Mr. Boyd, and observes that the enclosed petition of Nicholas Kosieg, has been addressed to Judge Cranch, and yet is not recommended by him or the other judges who sat on the trial. They are so particularly qualified by having heard the evidence, to decide on the merits of the petition, that Thomas Jefferson has generally made the recommendation of judges the foundation of pardon, and sees no reason in the present case to depart from that rule. He assures Mr. Boyd of his esteem and respect.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR TYLER
Washington, January 20, 1809.
Sir,—The Secretary at War has put into my hand your Excellency's letter of January 9th, covering one of December 15th from Captain Henry St. John Dixon, of the volunteer riflemen of the 105th regiment, offering the service of his company for one year. The term for which the offer is made shows it intended to be under the Act of Congress of February 24th, 1807, and not under that of March 30th, 1805, which is only for a service of six months under the law of 1807. The Governors were authorized and requested, on behalf of the President, to accept the offers made under that act, and to organize the corps when ready for it, officering it according to the laws of their State. This authority was given to your predecessor, and was considered as devolving on yourself. The authority and request are now renewed to you, and the letter of Captain Dixon returned for that purpose. To this I will add another request, that you will be so good as to endeavor to have a return made to the War Office of all the corps of twelve-month volunteers which have been accepted in Virginia. They began immediately after the attack on the Chesapeake. I salute you with esteem and respect.
TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS
Washington, January 20, 1809.
Sir,—I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of December 12th, and to return you my thanks for the cloth furnished me. It came in good time, and does honor to your manufactory, being as good as any one would wish to wear in any country. Amidst the pressure of evils with which the belligerent edicts have afflicted us, some permanent good will arise; the spring given to manufactures will have durable effects. Knowing most of my own State, I can affirm with confidence that were free intercourse opened again to-morrow, she would never again import one-half of the coarse goods which she has done down to the date of the edicts. These will be made in our families. For finer goods we must resort to the larger manufactories established in the towns. Some jealousy of this spirit of manufacture seems excited among commercial men. It would have been as just when we first began to make our own ploughs and hoes. They have certainly lost the profit of bringing these from a foreign country. My idea is that we should encourage home manufactures to the extent of our own consumption of everything of which we raise the raw material. I do not think it fair in the ship-owners to say we ought not to make our own axes, nails, &c., here, that they may have the benefit of carrying the iron to Europe, and bringing back the axes, nails, &c. Our agriculture will still afford surplus produce enough to employ a due proportion of navigation. Wishing every possible success to your undertaking, as well for your personal as the public benefit. I salute you with assurances of great esteem and respect.
TO MR. LEIPER
Washington, January 21, 1809.
Dear Sir,—Your letter of the 15th was duly received, and before that, Towers' book, which you had been so kind as to send me, had come to hand, for which I pray you to receive my thanks. You judge rightly that here I have no time to read. A cursory view of the book shows me that the author is a man of much learning in his line. I have heard of some other late writer, (the name I forget,) who has undertaken to prove contrary events from the same sources; and particularly that England is not to be put down; and that this is the favorite author in that country. As to myself, my religious reading has long been confined to the moral branch of religion, which is the same in all religions; while in that branch which consists of dogmas, all differ, all have a different set. The former instructs us how to live well and worthily in society; the latter are made to interest our minds in the support of the teachers who inculcate them. Hence, for one sermon on a moral subject, you hear ten on the dogmas of the sect. However, religion is not the subject for you and me; neither of us know the religious opinions of the other; that is a matter between our Maker and ourselves. We understand each other better in politics, to which therefore I will proceed. The House of Representatives passed last night a bill for the meeting of Congress on the 22d of May. This substantially decides the course they mean to pursue; that is, to let the embargo continue till then, when it will cease, and letters of marque and reprisal be issued against such nations as shall not then have repealed their obnoxious edicts. The great majority seem to have made up their minds on this, while there is considerable diversity of opinion on the details of preparation; to wit: naval force, volunteers, army, non-intercourse, &c. I write freely to you, because I know that in stating facts, you will not quote names. You know that every syllable uttered in my name becomes a text for the federalists to torment the public mind on by their paraphrases and perversions. I have lately inculcated the encouragement of manufactures to the extent of our own consumption at least, in all articles of which we raise the raw material. On this the federal papers and meetings have sounded the alarm of Chinese policy, destruction of commerce, &c.; that is to say, the iron which we make must not be wrought here into ploughs, axes, hoes, &c., in order that the ship-owner may have the profit of carrying it to Europe, and bringing it back in a manufactured form, as if after manufacturing our own raw materials for own use, there would not be a surplus produce sufficient to employ a due proportion of navigation in carrying it to market and exchanging it for those articles of which we have not the raw material. Yet this absurd hue and cry has contributed much to federalize New England, their doctrine goes to the sacrificing agriculture and manufactures to commerce; to the calling all our people from the interior country to the sea-shore to turn merchants, and to convert this great agricultural country into a city of Amsterdam. But I trust the good sense of our country will see that its greatest prosperity depends on a due balance between agriculture, manufactures and commerce, and not in this protuberant navigation which has kept us in hot water from the commencement of our government, and is now engaging us in war. That this may be avoided, if it can be done without a surrender of rights, is my sincere prayer. Accept the assurances of my constant esteem and respect.
TO COLONEL CHARLES SIMMS, COLLECTOR
Washington, January 22, 1809.
Sir,—I received last night your letter of yesterday, and this being a day in which all the offices are shut, and the case admitting no delay, I enclose you a special order, directly from myself, to apply for aid of the militia adjacent to the vessel, to enable you to do your duty as to the sloop loading with flour. But I must desire that, so far as the agency of the militia be employed, it may be with the utmost discretion, and with no act of force beyond what shall be necessary to maintain obedience to the laws, using neither deeds nor words unnecessarily offensive. I salute you with respect.
[The Order enclosed.]
THOMAS JEFFERSON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
January, 1809.
United States of America to wit,—Information being received that a sloop, said to be of one of the eastern States, of about 1,500 barrels burthen, is taking in flour in the Bay of Occoquan in Virginia, with intention to violate the several embargo laws, and the urgency of the case not admitting the delay of the ordinary course of proceeding through the orders of the Governors of the States, I have therefore thought proper to issue these my special orders to the militia officers of the counties of Fairfax, Prince William, or of any other county of Virginia, or of Maryland, adjacent to the river Potomak or any of its waters, wherein the said vessel may be found, and to such particular officer especially to whom these my orders shall be presented by any collector of the customs, for any district on the said river or its waters, or by any person acting under their authority, forthwith on receiving notice, to call out such portion of the militia under his or their command as shall be sufficient, and to proceed with the same, in aid of the said collector, to take possession of the said sloop and her cargo, wheresoever found in the said waters, and to detain the same until she shall be liberated according to law, for which this shall be his and their warrant.
Given under my hand at Washington, this 22d day of January, 1809.
TO COLONEL MONROE
Washington, January 28, 1809.
Dear Sir,—Your favor of the 18th was received in due time, and the answer has been delayed as well by a pressure of business, as by the expectation of your absence from Richmond.
The idea of sending a special mission to France or England is not entertained at all here. After so little attention to us from the former, and so insulting an answer from Canning, such a mark of respect as an extraordinary mission, would be a degradation against which all minds revolt here. The idea was hazarded in the House of Representatives a few days ago, by a member, and an approbation expressed by another, but rejected indignantly by every other person who spoke, and very generally in conversation by all others; and I am satisfied such a proposition would get no vote in the Senate. The course the Legislature means to pursue, may be inferred from the act now passed for a meeting in May, and a proposition before them for repealing the embargo in June, and then resuming and maintaining by force our right of navigation. There will be considerable opposition to this last proposition, not only from the federalists, old and new, who oppose everything, but from sound members of the majority. Yet it is believed it will obtain a good majority, and that it is the only proposition which can be devised that could obtain a majority of any kind. Final propositions will, therefore, be soon despatched to both the belligerents through the resident ministers, so that their answers will be received before the meeting in May, and will decide what is to be done. This last trial for peace is not thought desperate. If, as is expected, Bonaparte should be successful in Spain, however every virtuous and liberal sentiment revolts at it, it may induce both powers to be more accommodating with us. England will see here the only asylum for her commerce and manufactures, worth more to her than her orders of council. And Bonaparte, having Spain at his feet, will look immediately to the Spanish colonies, and think our neutrality cheaply purchased by a repeal of the illegal parts of his decrees, with perhaps the Floridas thrown into the bargain. Should a change in the aspect of affairs in Europe produce this disposition in both powers, our peace and prosperity may be revived and long continue. Otherwise, we must again take the tented field, as we did in 1776 under more inauspicious circumstances.
There never has been a situation of the world before, in which such endeavors as we have made would not have secured our peace. It is probable there never will be such another. If we go to war now, I fear we may renounce forever the hope of seeing an end of our national debt. If we can keep at peace eight years longer, our income, liberated from death, will be adequate to any war, without new taxes or loans, and our position and increasing strength put us hors d'insulte from any nation. I am now so near the moment of retiring, that I take no part in affairs beyond the expression of an opinion. I think it fair that my successor should now originate those measures of which he will be charged with the execution and responsibility, and that it is my duty to clothe them with the forms of authority. Five weeks more will relieve me from a drudgery to which I am no longer equal, and restore me to a scene of tranquillity, amidst my family and friends, more congenial to my age and natural inclinations. In that situation, it will always be a pleasure to me to see you, and to repeat to you the assurances of my constant friendship and respect.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR SEVIER
Washington, January 31, 1809.
Sir,—The extraordinary and critical situation of our foreign relations rendering it necessary, in the opinion of the National Legislature, that their next recess should be short, they have passed an act for meeting on the fourth Monday of May, of which I enclose you a copy. As the election of representatives for the State of Tennessee would not, in the ordinary course, be in time for this meeting, I have thought it my duty to make you a special communication of this law. That every State should be represented in the great council of the nation, is not only the interest of each, but of the whole united, who have a right to be aided by the collective wisdom and information of the whole, in questions which are to decide on their future well-being. I trust that your Excellency will deem it incumbent on you to call an immediate meeting of your legislature, in order to put it in their power to fulfil this high duty, by making special and timely provision for the representation of their State at the ensuing meeting of Congress; to which measures I am bound earnestly to exhort yourself and them. I am not insensible of the personal inconvenience of this special call to the members composing the legislature of so extensive a State; but neither will I do them the injustice to doubt their being ready to make much greater sacrifices for the common safety, should the course of events still lead to a call for them. I tender to your Excellency the assurances of my high respect and consideration.
TO M. AMELOT DE LA CROIX, BOSTON
Washington, February 3, 1809.
Sir,—I received in due time your favor of December 28th, covering the tragedy of the unfortunate Louis XVI., and I am sure you are too reasonable not to have ascribed the delay of answer which has intervened, to its true cause, the never-ceasing pressure of business which cannot be deferred. I have read the piece with great satisfaction. I recognize in Louis that purity of virtue and sincere patriotism which I knew made a part of his real character. The sound good sense and exalted sentiments he is made to utter, were proper to his character, whether actually a part of it or not. I say nothing of style, not doubting its merit, and conscious I am no judge of it in a foreign language. I believe it impossible, in any but our native tongue, to be so thoroughly sensible of the delicacy of style, which constitutes an essential merit in poetical composition, as to criticise them with correctness.
I wish that, in the prefatory piece, the character which is the subject of it, did not fall still further short of its representation than that of the principal personage in the main piece. I have never claimed any other merit than of good intentions, sensible that in the choice of measures, error of judgment has too often had its influence; and with whatever indulgence my countrymen as well as yourself, have been so kind as to view my course, yet they would certainly not know me in the picture here drawn, and would, I fear, say in the words of the poet, "Praise undeserved is satire in disguise." Were, therefore, the piece to be prepared for the press, I should certainly entreat you to revise that part with a severe eye.
I believe I mentioned to you, on a former occasion, that the late act of Congress for raising additional troops required that the officers should all be citizens of the United States. Should there be war, however, I am persuaded this policy must be abandoned, and that we must avail ourselves of the experience of other nations, in certain lines of service at least. In that expectation I shall leave with my successor the papers in my possession, from which he may be sensible of the benefits he may receive from your aid.
I pray you to accept my salutations and assurances of respect.
TO CAPTAIN ARMISTEAD T. MASON
Washington, February 3d, 1809.
Sir,—Your letter of January 7th came to my hand on the 23d only of that month, since which the pressure of business which could not be delayed, has prevented my sooner acknowledging its receipt. The offer of service therein made by the subscribing members of the troop of cavalry, attached to the 57th regiment of Virginia militia under your command, is worthy of that ardent love of our country which, I am persuaded, will distinguish its citizens, whenever its wrongs shall call them to the field. I tender, therefore, to the subscribing officers and members of the troop that acknowledgment of their merit which is so justly due. At the same time, I must observe that, considering their offer of service as made under the law of 1808, the power of accepting it is thereby given to the governor of the State, to whom their address for acceptance is of course to be made. A bill for raising a body of volunteers is now on its progress through Congress. Should that be passed, which will soon be known, it may perhaps be more eligible for the subscribing members to place themselves under the conditions of that law. I pray you to accept, for them and yourself, the assurances of my esteem and respect.
TO CAPTAIN ARMISTEAD T. MASON
Washington, February 3d, 1809.
Sir,—I enclose you a letter in answer to that in which you offer the services of the subscribing members of your troop of cavalry. I make this separate and private answer to the very friendly letter addressed to me in your own name only, and which accompanied the former. The relation which you bear to my most valued and worthy friend Stevens T. Mason, gives you a just title to communicate your wishes to me, and will insure to you any services I can render you. The time of my continuance in office is now so short, that it will scarcely fall to my lot to be useful to you, but I shall leave your letter in the hands of my successor, than whom nobody cherishes more the memory of your father. If the bill mentioned in my other letter passes, there will be little difficulty in your obtaining appointment. The engagements that proposes are to be for one year from the time the volunteers are called on, which will not be till war is declared, or inevitable, and from that corps a transfer will be easy into the regular troops, which in that case will be to be raised.
I am happy in every testimony from my fellow citizens, that my conduct in the discharge of my duties to them, has given them satisfaction. Accept my thanks for the very kind terms in which you have been pleased to express your dispositions towards myself, and with a request that you will be so good as to present my high respects to Mrs. Mason, with whom I have had the happiness of some acquaintance, I salute you with friendship and esteem.
TO THOMAS MANN RANDOLPH
Washington, February 7, 1809.
Dear Sir,—I thought Congress had taken their ground firmly for continuing their embargo till June, and then war. But a sudden and unaccountable revolution of opinion took place the last week, chiefly among the New England and New York members, and in a kind of panic they voted the 4th of March for removing the embargo, and by such a majority as gave all reason to believe they would not agree either to war or non-intercourse. This, too, was after we had become satisfied that the Essex Junto had found their expectation desperate, of inducing the people there to either separation or forcible opposition. The majority of Congress, however, has now rallied to the removing the embargo on the 4th of March, non-intercourse with France and Great Britain, trade everywhere else, and continuing war preparations. The further details are not yet settled, but I believe it is perfectly certain that the embargo will be taken off the 4th of March. Present my warmest affections to my dearest Martha, and the young ones, and accept the assurances of them to yourself.
