Томас Джефферсон
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 5 (of 9)
TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE
April 30, 1808.
Notes on such parts of Fronda's letter of April 26th, 1808, as are worth answering:—
I. I know of no recent orders to Governor Claiborne as to the navigation of the Mississippi, Uberville, and Pontchartrain; he should specify them, but he may be told that no order has ever been given contrary to the rights of Spain. These rights are, 1st, a treaty right that "the ships of Spain coming directly from Spain or her colonies, loaded only with the produce or manufactures of Spain or her colonies, shall be admitted during the space of twelve years in the ports of New Orleans, and in all other legal ports of entry within the ceded territory, in the same manner as the ships of the United States, &c." 2d. A right of innocent passage from the mouth of the Mississippi to 31° of latitude, exactly commensurate with our right of innocent passage up the rivers of Florida to 31° of latitude.
II. In answer to his question whether we consider Mobile among the ports of the United States, he may be told that so long as we consider the question whether the Perdido is not the eastern boundary of Louisiana, as continuing in a train of amicable proceedings for adjustment, so long that part only of the river Mobile, which is above 31° of latitude, will be considered among the ports of the United States, withholding the exercise of jurisdiction on our part within the disputed territory, on the general principle of letting things remain in statu quo pendente lite.
There is nothing else in this letter worth answering.
TO WILLIAM LYMAN, ESQ
Washington, April 30, 1803.
Sir,—Your favor of the 11th of July came to hand a little before the meeting of Congress, and soon after I received the apparatus for stylographic writing, which you were so kind as to send me, for which I pray you to receive my particular thanks.
The invention is certainly very ingenious, and while it compares advantageously with all others in other circumstances, it has an unrivalled preference as being so much more profitable. I had never heard of the invention till your letter announced it, for these novelties reach us very late, which renders your attentions on the occasion more acceptable, and more entitled to the acknowledgments which I now tender. The decrees and orders of the belligerent nations having amounted nearly to declarations that they would take our vessels wherever found. Congress thought it best in the first instance to break off all intercourse with them. They adjourned on Monday last, having passed an act authorizing me to suspend the embargo whenever the belligerents should revoke their decrees or orders as to us. The embargo must continue, therefore, till they meet again in November, unless the measures of the belligerents should change. When they meet again, if these decrees and orders still continue, the question which they will have to decide will be, whether a continuance of the embargo or war will be preferable. In the meantime great advances are making in the establishment of manufactures. Those of cotton will, I think, be so far proceeded on, that we shall never again have to recur to the importation of cotton goods for our own use. I tender you my salutations, and the assurances of my great respect.
TO GENERAL ARMSTRONG
Washington, May 2, 1808.
Dear General,—A safe conveyance offering by a special messenger to Paris, I avail myself of it to bring up my arrears to my foreign correspondents. I give them the protection of your cover, but to save the trouble of your attention to their distribution, I give them an inner cover to Mr. Harden, whose attentions heretofore have encouraged me to ask this favor of him. But should he not be with you, I must pray you to open my packages to him, and have them distributed, as it is of importance that some of them should be delivered without delay. I shall say nothing to you on the subject of our foreign relations, because you will get what is official on that subject from Mr. Madison.
During the present paroxysm of the insanity of Europe, we have thought it wisest to break off all intercourse with her. We shall, in the course of this year, have all our seaports, of any note, put into a state of defence against naval attacks. Against great land armies we cannot attempt it but by equal armies. For these we must depend on a classified militia, which will give us the service of the class from twenty to twenty-six, in the nature of conscripts, composing a body of about 250,000, to be specially trained. This measure, attempted at a former session, was passed at the last, and might, I think, have been carried by a small majority. But considering that great innovations should not be forced on a slender majority, and seeing that the general opinion is sensibly rallying to it, it was thought better to let it lie over to the next session, when, I trust, it will be passed. Another measure has now twice failed, which I have warmly urged, the immediate settlement by donation of lands, of such a body of militia in the territories of Orleans and Mississippi, as will be adequate to the defence of New Orleans. We are raising some regulars in addition to our present force, for garrisoning our seaports, and forming a nucleus for the militia to gather to. There will be no question who is to be my successor. Of this be assured, whatever may be said by newspapers and private correspondences. Local considerations have been silenced by those dictated by the continued difficulties of the times. One word of friendly request: be more frequent and full in your communications with us. I salute you with great friendship and respect.
TO GENERAL KOSCIUSKO
Washington, May 2, 1808.
My very dear General,—A safe conveyance offering by a special messenger to Paris, Mr. Barnes has requested me to avail you of it, by sending a remittance of a thousand dollars, for which a draught is under cover. I shall not write to you on the subject of our foreign relations, because of the dangers by sea and the dangers by land. During the present paroxysm of the insanity of Europe, we have thought it wisest to break off all intercourse with her. We shall, in the course of this year, have all our seaports of any note put into a state of defence against naval attacks. Against great land armies we cannot attempt it but by equal armies. For these we must depend on a classified militia, which will give us the service of the class from twenty to twenty-six, in the nature of conscripts, composing a body of about 250,000, to be specially trained. This measure, attempted at a former session, was passed at the last, and might, I think, have been carried by a small majority; but considering that great innovations should not be forced on slender majorities, and seeing that the public opinion is sensibly rallying to it, it was thought better to let it lie over to the next session, when I trust it will be passed. Another measure has now twice failed, which I have warmly urged, the immediate settlement by donation of lands of such a body of militia in the territories of Orleans and Mississippi, as will be adequate to the defence of New Orleans. We are raising some regulars in addition to our present force, for garrisoning our seaports, and forming a nucleus for the militia to gather to. There will be no question who is to be my successor. Of this be assured, whatever may be said by newspapers and private correspondences; local considerations have been silenced by those dictated by the continued difficulties of the times. I salute you with sincere and constant friendship and great respect.
TO MR. SMITH
May 3, 1808.
I enclose you a petition from a woman (Mary Barnett) who complains that her son of thirteen years of age, is detained against her will in the naval military service. Having never before received an application of the kind in that department, I know not what are the rules there. But in the land service we have had many cases of enlistments of infants, and there the law is considered to be, and our practice in conformity, as follows: An infant is considered as incapable of binding himself by enlistment, and may at any time be reclaimed by a parent, guardian, next friend, or may quit of his own accord, on complaint from a parent, &c. We direct the officer to inquire into the fact of infancy, and if he believes him under age he discharges him. If he believes him of full age, we advise the parent, &c., that he may take out a Habeas Corpus, and have the fact tried before an impartial judge: if enlisted with the consent of the parent, &c., it must be by indentures as prescribed by law for an apprentice or servant, this being the only mode of obligation in which the law will compel specific execution. In case of a verbal or a common written subscription of engagement, even with consent of the parent, damages only can be recovered for withdrawing from it. I presume the rules in the Navy Department must be the same, as we must conform ourselves to the law in all departments. I directed the woman to call on me again to-morrow. Will you be so good as to enable me to give her an answer? Affectionate salutations.
TO GOVERNOR TOMPKINS
Washington, May 4, 1808.
Sir,—I duly received your favor of April 18th, covering an Act of the legislature of New York, appropriating $100,000 to aid and expedite the defence of the city and port of New York, and $20,000 to aid in and contribute to the defence of the northern and western frontiers, and expressing a desire to receive an opinion on the application of those sums.
In carrying into execution the provisions of Congress, at their last session, for fortifying on a just view of the relative importance of the places, combined with their degree of exposure, and capability of defence, and in such way as to require a moderate permanent force of regulars, relying much, in case of sudden attack on the aid of the militia. Among the objects of our care, New York stands foremost in the points of importance and exposure; and, if permitted, we shall provide such defences for it as, in our opinion, will render it secure against attacks by sea. The particulars of what is proposed to be done can be made known to you by Colonel Williams, as it is probable these may not comprehend everything which the anxieties of the citizens might think of service in their defence. I suggest for your consideration, the idea of applying the fund appropriated to this object, by your legislature, to such supplementary provisions as in your judgment might be necessary to render ours adequate to fulfil the views and confidence of your citizens. Of this however, you are the best judge. But I cannot omit to urge that no time should be lost in deciding on so much of the plan proposed by the Secretary at War, as depends on a cession from the State authorities.
It appears to me that it would be well to have a post on the Saint Lawrence, as near our line as a commanding position could be found, that it might afford some cover for our most advanced inhabitants. But if a rupture takes place now, such a post would too soon lose all its value, to be worth building at this time. It is only in the event of a solid accommodation with Great Britain, and their retaining their present possessions, that it might become worthy of attention. I do not know that the $20,000 appropriated by the State of New York, "to aid in, and contribute to, the defence of the northern and western frontiers," could be better applied than as supplementary to our provisions in this quarter also. We cannot, for instance, deliver out our arms to the militia, until called into the field. Yet it would be a great security had every militia man on these frontiers a good musket in his hands. However, here again your Excellency is the best judge, and I have hazarded these ideas as to the application of the appropriations, only on the wish you expressed that I would do it, and on my own desire to interchange ideas with frankness, and without reserve with those charged, in common with myself with the public interests. I beg leave to tender you the assurances of my high esteem and respect.
TO –
May 5, 1808.
Great and Good Friend,—Having learnt the safe arrival of your Royal Highness at the city of Rio Janeiro, I perform with pleasure the duty of offering you my sincere congratulations by Mr. Hill, a respected citizen of the United States, who is specially charged with the delivery of this letter.
I trust that this event will be as propitious to the prosperity of your faithful subjects as to the happiness of your Royal Highness, in which the United States of America have ever taken a lively interest. Inhabitants now of the same land, of that great continent which the genius of Columbus has given to the world, the United States feel sensibly that they stand in new and closer relations with your Royal Highness, and that the motives which heretofore nourished the friendly relations which have so happily prevailed, have acquired increased strength on the transfer of your residence to their own shores. They see in prospect, a system of intercourse between the different regions of this hemisphere of which the peace and happiness of mankind may be the essential principle. To this principle your long-tried adherence, for the benefit of those you governed, in the midst of warring powers, is a pledge to the new world that its peace, its free and friendly intercourse, will be your chief concern. On the part of the United States I assure you, that these which have hitherto been their ruling objects, will be most particularly cultivated with your Royal Highness and your subjects at Brazil, and they hope that that country so favored by the gifts of nature, now advanced to a station under your immediate auspices, will find, in the interchange of mutual wants and supplies, the true aliment of an unchanging friendship with the United States of America.
I pray to God, great and good friend, that in your new abode you may enjoy health, happiness, and the affections of your people, and that He will always have you in His safe and holy keeping.
Done at Washington, &c.
TO THE GOVERNORS OF NEW ORLEANS, GEORGIA, SOUTH CAROLINA, MASSACHUSETTS AND NEW HAMPSHIRE
Washington, May 6, 1808.
Sir,—The evasions of the preceding embargo laws went so far towards defeating their objects, and chiefly by vessels clearing out coast-wise, that Congress, by their act of April 25th, authorized the absolute detention of all vessels bound coast-wise with cargoes exciting suspicions of an intention to evade those laws. There being few towns on our sea-coast which cannot be supplied with flour from their interior country, shipments of flour become generally suspicious and proper subjects of detention. Charleston is one of the few places on our seaboard which need supplies of flour by sea for its own consumption. That it may not suffer by the cautions we are obliged to use, I request of your excellency, whenever you deem it necessary that your present or any future stock should be enlarged, to take the trouble of giving your certificate in favor of any merchant in whom you have confidence, directed to the collector of any port, usually exporting flour, from which he may choose to bring it, for any quantity which you may deem necessary for consumption beyond your interior supplies, enclosing to the Secretary of the Treasury at the same time a duplicate of the certificate as a check on the falsification of your signature. In this way we may secure a supply of the real wants of our citizens, and at the same time prevent those wants from being made a cover for the crimes against their country which unprincipled adventurers are in the habit of committing. I trust, too, that your excellency will find an apology for the trouble I propose to give you, in that desire which you must feel in common with all our worthy citizens, that inconveniences encountered cheerfully by them for the interests of their country, shall not be turned merely to the unlawful profits of the most worthless part of society. I salute your excellency with assurances of my high respect and consideration.
TO MR. GALLATIN
May 6, 1808.
In the outset of the business of detentions, I think it impossible to form precise rules. After a number of cases shall have arisen they may probably be thrown into groups and subjected to rules. The great leading object of the Legislature was, and ours in execution of it ought to be, to give complete effect to the embargo laws. They have bidden agriculture, commerce, navigation, to bow before that object, to be nothing when in competition with that. Finding all their endeavors at general rules to be evaded, they finally gave us the power of detention as the panacea, and I am clear we ought to use it freely that we may, by a fair experiment, know the power of this great weapon, the embargo. Therefore, to propositions to carry flour into the Chesapeake, the Delaware, the Hudson, and other exporting places, we should say boldly it is not wanted there for consumption, and the carrying it there is too suspicious to be permitted. In consequence of the letters to the Governors of the flour-importing States, we may also say boldly that there being no application from the Governor is a proof it is not wanting in those States, and therefore must not be carried. As to shuffling of cotton, tobacco, flax seed, &c., from one port to another, it may be some trifling advantage to individuals to change their property out of one form into another, but it is not of a farthing's benefit to the nation at large, and risks their great object in the embargo. The want of these at a particular place should be very notorious to the collector and others, to take off suspicion of illicit intentions. Dry goods of Europe, coal, bricks, &c., are articles entirely without suspicion. I hazard these things for your consideration, and I send you a copy of the letter to the Governors, which may be communicated in form to the collectors to strengthen the ground of suspicion. You will be so good as to decide these cases yourself, without forwarding them to me. Whenever you are clear either way, so decide; where you are doubtful, consider me as voting for detention, being satisfied that individuals ought to yield their private interests to this great public object.
TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR
Monticello, May 12, 1808.
Dear Sir,—My journey and two days' detention on the road by high waters, gave me time to reflect on our canal at New Orleans, on which I will therefore hazard some thoughts.
I think it has been said that the Mississippi, at low water, is many feet lower opposite New Orleans than Lake Pontchartrain. But the fact is impossible, being in contradiction to the laws of nature; two beds of dead water connected with the same ocean, in vicinity to one another, must each be in the level of that ocean, and consequently of one another. Although Pontchartrain receives the Amite and some other small streams, they probably do little more than supply its evaporation. No doubt, however, that the lake must receive the small ebb and flow of the sea. The Mississippi, on the contrary, even at its lowest tide, always flows downwards to and beyond its mouth; it must, then, at New Orleans, be one, two, or three feet higher than the sea, and consequently than Pontchartrain.
If a simple canal were cut from that of Carondelet to the Mississippi without lock or gate, there would be two risks. 1. That in high water of the Mississippi the current would be too strong for a gun-boat to ascend or descend. This might perhaps be remedied by the draught of horses. 2. The force of such a current, (unless the whole canal were lined with brick or masonry,) might convert the canal into a bay, one of an unknown size, and involve New Orleans in it.
On the whole, I suspect our plan is pretty obvious: suppose we want six feet water; make a canal of that depth below the lowest ebb of Pontchartrain from the lake to where the lock is to be placed,—then bring a canal from the river to the lock, the depth of which shall be six feet below the lowest water of the Mississippi ever known; at the back there will be a descent, suppose of one, two or three feet, or any other number. The lock remedies that. If the lock were near the lake it would lessen the work by giving nearly the whole length to the shallowest canal, and it would probably be in a more tranquil and safe situation. But it might be inconvenient, perhaps unsafe, to the sides of the Mississippi canal, to permit such a depth of water as would be in it, through its whole length, at the time of the high water of that river. Of the best position, therefore, of the lock, the superintendent must judge on the spot, as he must indeed of the correctness of all the preceding conjectures, formed without a knowledge of the localities. They are hazarded merely to give us some fixed notions of the nature of the enterprize, and are submitted to your consideration. I salute you with affectionate respect.
