Томас Джефферсон
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 5 (of 9)
TO CHARLES THOMSON, ESQ
Washington, December 25, 1808.
I thank you, my dear and ancient friend, for the two volumes of your translation, which you have been so kind as to send me. I have dipped into it at the few moments of leisure which my vocations permit, and I perceive that I shall use it with great satisfaction on my return home. I propose there, among my first employments, to give to the Septuagint an attentive perusal, and shall feel the aid you have now given me. I am full of plans of employment when I get there,—they chiefly respect the active functions of the body. To the mind I shall administer amusement chiefly. An only daughter and numerous family of grandchildren, will furnish me great resources of happiness. I learn with sincere pleasure that you have health and activity enough to have performed the journey to and from Lancaster without inconvenience. It has added another proof that you are not wearied with well-doing. Although I have enjoyed as uniform health through life as reason could desire, I have no expectation that, even if spared to your age, I shall at that period be able to take such a journey. I am already sensible of decay in the power of walking, and find my memory not so faithful as it used to be. This may be partly owing to the incessant current of new matter flowing constantly through it; but I ascribe to years their share in it also. That you may be continued among us to the period of your own wishes, and that it may be filled with continued health and happiness, is the sincere prayer of your affectionate friend.
TO MR. GALLATIN
December 27, 1808.
The enclosed petition, from Deville, was handed me by Gen. Turreau. I told him at once it was inadmissible; that days had been long ago announced, after which no vessel would be permitted to depart; that in favor of emigrants we had continued indulgences till very lately; but as there must be an end to it, that time had come, and we had determined to give no more permissions. They had had a complete year to depart, and had not availed themselves of it. He appeared satisfied, and perhaps will himself give the answer. However, an answer of the above purport may be given from your office. I have referred the case of the British boats to the Attorney General for his opinion. Affectionate salutations.
TO DOCTOR LOGAN
Washington, December 27, 1808.
Dear Sir,—Your favor of the 8th, by Mr. Cunow, was duly received, and I now return you the letter it covered. Mr. Cunow's object was so perfectly within our own views, that it was readily obtained, and I am in hopes he has left us with a more correct opinion of the dispositions of the administration than his fraternity has generally manifested. I have within a few days had visits from the Pottowatamies, Miamis, Chippewas, Delawares, and Cherokees, and there arrived some yesterday, of, I believe, the Ottoways, Wiandots, and others of that neighborhood. Our endeavors are to impress on them all profoundly, temperance, peace, and agriculture; and I am persuaded they begin to feel profoundly the soundness of the advice.
Congress seems as yet to have been able to make up no opinion. Some are for taking off the embargo before they separate; others not till their meeting next autumn; but both with a view to substitute war, if no change takes place with the powers of Europe. A middle opinion is to have an extra session in May, to come then to a final decision. I have thought it right to take no part myself in proposing measures, the execution of which will devolve on my successor. I am therefore chiefly an unmeddling listener to what others say. On the same ground, I shall make no new appointments which can be deferred till the 4th of March, thinking it fair to leave to my successor to select the agents for his own administration. As the moment of my retirement approaches, I become more anxious for its arrival, and to begin at length to pass what yet remains to me of life and health in the bosom of my family and neighbors, and in communication with my friends, undisturbed by political concerns or passions. Permit me to avail myself of this occasion to assure Mrs. Logan and yourself of my continued friendship and attachment, and that I shall ever be pleased to hear of your happiness and prosperity, saluting you both with affection and respect.
TO MR. GALLATIN
December 28, 1808.
I enclose you the petition of Jacob Smith of Newport, in the case of the ship Triumph, which is a new case to me. Perhaps the practice as to foreign ships arriving since the embargo laws, with which I am unacquainted, may facilitate the solution. What should be done?
The Atalanta
Is not the collector the person who is to search into the fact charged? I do not know who it is that does this in case of seizure. However, I will send the case to Mr. Smith.
The petition of Manuel Valder for a vessel to carry off Spanish subjects, is rejected.
The cases from St. Mary are really embarrassing. I sent the papers to Mr. Madison to ask his opinion. He had read only one when he called on me this morning. He seemed strongly of opinion that it would be most advisable to send some person to the Governor of East Florida, to enter into some friendly arrangements with him. He has the papers still under consideration; in the meantime we may consider as further means, how it might do to destroy all boats and canoes on our side the river, paying for them? To arrest impression, and bring to regular trial every negro taken in the act of violating the laws? This for mere consideration. Affectionate salutations.
TO E. RANDOLPH, ESQ
Washington, December 28, 1808.
Dear Sir,—I received yesterday your favor of the 22d. It was the first information I had had of the sentence against Moss, the district attorney not having written to me as you supposed. I referred the case to the Post Master General, who in his answer says, "His is not a single crime, but a series of crimes, for months if not years. There were found upon him between $1,300 and $1,500, which he had robbed in small sums."
You are sensible that the Legislature having made stripes a regular part of the punishment, that the pardoning them cannot be a thing of course, as that would be to repeal the law, but that extraordinary and singular considerations are necessary to entitle the criminal to that remission. The information of the Post Master General marks such an habitual depravity of mind, as leaves little room to suppose that any facts can countervail it; and the robbery of the mail has now become so frequent and great an evil, that the moment is unfavorable to propositions of relaxation. Still I shall be ready to receive and consider any testimony in his favor, which his friends may bring forward, and will do it on whatever I may believe to have been the intention of the Legislature in confiding the power of pardon to the executive. The opinion of the judges who sat in the cause, I have ever required as indispensable to ground a pardon. A copy of the judgment is also necessary. I have taken the liberty of troubling you with these observations, because I have received no application but your letter, and lest, on the contrary supposition, his case might suffer for want of information. Accept my salutations and assurances of friendly esteem and respect.
TO –
Washington, December 31, 1808.
Sir,—The General Government of the United States has considered it their duty and interest to extend their care and patronage over the Indian tribes within their limits, and to endeavor to render them friends, and in time perhaps useful members of the nation. Perceiving the injurious effects produced by their inordinate use of spirituous liquors, they passed laws authorizing measures against the vending or distributing such liquors among them. Their introduction by traders was accordingly prohibited, and for some time was attended with the best effects. I am informed, however, that latterly the Indians have got into the practice of purchasing such liquors themselves in the neighboring settlements of whites, and of carrying them into their towns, and that in this way our regulations so salutary to them, are now defeated. I must, therefore, request your Excellency to submit this matter to the consideration of your legislature. I persuade myself that in addition to the moral inducements which will readily occur, they will find it not indifferent to their own interests to give us their aid in removing, for their neighbors, this great obstacle to their acquiring industrious habits, and attaching themselves to the regular and useful pursuits of life; for this purpose it is much desired that they should pass effectual laws to restrain their citizens from vending and distributing spirituous liquors to the Indians. I pray your Excellency to accept the assurances of my great esteem and respect.
TO MR. HENRY GUEST
Washington, January 4, 1809.
Sir,—A constant pressure of business must be my apology for being so late in acknowledging the receipt of your favor of November 25th. I am sensible of the kindness of your rebuke on my determination to retire from office at a time when our country is laboring under difficulties truly great. But if the principle of rotation be a sound one, as I conscientiously believe it to be with respect to this office, no pretext should ever be permitted to dispense with it, because there never will be a time when real difficulties will not exist, and furnish a plausible pretext for dispensation. You suppose I am "in the prime of life for rule." I am sensible I am not; and before I am so far declined as to become insensible of it, I think it right to put it out of my own power. I have the comfort too of knowing that the person whom the public choice has designated to receive the charge from me, is eminently qualified as a safe depository by the endowments of integrity, understanding, and experience. On a review therefore of the reasons for my retirement, I think you cannot fail to approve them.
Your proposition for preventing the effect of splinters in a naval action, will certainly merit consideration and trial whenever our vessels shall be called into serious service; till then the perishable nature of the covering, would render it an unnecessary expense. I tender you my best wishes for the continuance of your life and health, and salute you with great esteem and respect.
TO MR. GALLATIN
January 9, 1809.
I do not recollect the instructions to Governor Lewis respecting squatters. But if he had any they were unquestionably to prohibit them rigorously. I have no doubt, if he had not written instructions, that he was verbally so instructed. Carr's story has very much the air of an idle rumor, willingly listened to. It shows some germ of discontent existing.
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TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR
Washington, January 12, 1809.
Sir,—I have read with pleasure the letter of Captain Davidson, by which, according to unanimous resolves of the company of light infantry of the first legion of the militia of Columbia commanded by him, he tenders their services as volunteers under the Act of Congress of February 24th, 1807. I accept the offer, and render to Captain Davidson and the other officers and privates of the company, that praise to which their patriotism so justly entitles them. So long urged by the aggressions of the belligerent powers, and every measure of forbearance at length exhausted, our country must see with sincere satisfaction the alacrity with which persons will flock to her standard whenever her constituted authorities shall declare that we take into our own hands the redress of our wrongs. Be so good as to communicate in behalf of the public my thanks to Captain Davidson, the other officers and privates of his company, and be assured yourself of my affectionate respect.
TO GENERAL DEARBORNE
January 12, 1809.
I suppose that in answering Governor Drayton we should compliment his ardor, and smooth over our noncompliance with his request; that he might be told that the President sees, in his present application, a proof of his vigilance and zeal in whatever concerns the public safety, and will count with the more confidence on his future attentions and energy whenever circumstances shall call for them. That he considers that the power entrusted to him for calling out the 100,000 militia, was meant to be exercised only in the case of some great and general emergency, and by no means to be employed merely as garrisons or guards in ordinary cases: that there is no apprehension that England means either to declare or to commence war on us at the present moment, and that if the declaration shall be intended to originate with us, he may be assured of receiving timely notice, with the powers and the means of placing everything in safety before a state of actual danger commences; that nevertheless it is of great urgency that the quota of his state be prepared with all possible diligence, to be ready to march at a moment's warning, because by that time it is very possible, and scarcely improbable, that their services may have become actually requisite. Affectionate salutations.
TO DOCTOR EUSTIS
Washington, January 14, 1809.
Sir,—I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of December the 24th, and of the resolutions of the republican citizens of Boston, of the 19th of that month. These are worthy of the ancient character of the sons of Massachusetts, and of the spirit of concord with her sister States, which, and which alone, carried us successfully through the revolutionary war, and finally placed us under that national government, which constitutes the safety of every part, by uniting for its protection the powers of the whole. The moment for exerting these united powers, to repel the injuries of the belligerents of Europe, seems likely to be pressed upon us. They have interdicted our commerce with nearly the whole world. They have declared it shall be carried on with such places, in such articles, and in such measure only, as they shall dictate; thus prostrating all the principles of right which have hitherto protected it. After exhausting the cup of forbearance and conciliation to its dregs, we found it necessary, on behalf of that commerce, to take time to call it home into a state of safety, to put the towns and harbors which carry it on into a condition of defence, and to make further preparation for enforcing the redress of its wrongs, and restoring it to its rightful freedom. This required a certain measure of time, which, although not admitting specific limitation, must, from its avowed objects, have been obvious to all; and the progress actually made towards the accomplishment of these objects, proves it now to be near its term. While thus endeavoring to secure, and preparing to vindicate that commerce, the absurd opinion has been propagated, that this temporary and necessary arrangement was to be a permanent system, and was intended for its destruction. The sentiments expressed in the paper you were so kind as to enclose to me, show that those who have concurred in them have judged with more candor the intentions of their government, and are sufficiently aware of the tendency of the excitements and misrepresentations which have been practised on this occasion. And such, I am persuaded, will be the disposition of the citizens of Massachusetts at large, whenever truth can reach them. Associated with her sister States in a common government, the fundamental principle of which is, that the will of the majority is to prevail, sensible that, in the present difficulty, that will has been governed by no local interests or jealousies, that, to save permanent rights, temporary sacrifices were necessary, that these have fallen as impartially on all, as in a situation so peculiar they could be made to do, she will see in the existing measures a legitimate and honest exercise of the will and wisdom of the whole. And her citizens, faithful to themselves and their associates, will not, to avoid a transient pressure, yield to the seductions of enemies to their independence, foreign or domestic, and take a course equally subversive of their well-being, as of that of their brethren.
The approbation expressed by the republican citizens of the town of Boston, of the course pursued by the national government, is truly consoling to its members; and, encouraged by the declaration of the continuance of their confidence, and by the assurance of their support, they will continue to pursue the line of their high duties according to the best of their understandings, and with undeviating regard to the good of the whole. Permit me to avail myself of this occasion of tendering you personally the assurances of my great esteem and respect.
TO MR. THOMAS C. JAMES, SECRETARY OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY
Washington, January 14, 1809.
Sir,-I have received your favor of the 6th inst., informing me that the American Philosophical Society had been pleased, at their late election, unanimously to re-elect me president of the society. In desiring, in my letter to the vice-presidents, that I might be permitted to withdraw from that honor, I acted from a conscientious persuasion that I was keeping from that important station members whose position, as well as qualifications, would enable them to render more effectual services to the institution. But the society having thought proper again to name me, I shall obey it with dutifulness, and be ever anxious to avail myself of every occasion of being useful to them. I pray you to be so good as to communicate my thanks to them, with assurances of my devotion to their service, and to accept those of great esteem and respect for yourself personally.
TO DOCTOR MAESE
Washington, January 15, 1809.
Sir,-The constant pressure of such business as will admit no delay, has prevented my sooner acknowledging the receipt of your letter of the 2d, and even now will confine me to the single question, for the answer to which you wait, before you take any step towards bringing forward the institution you propose for the advancement of the arts. That question is whether Congress would grant a charter of incorporation, and a sum for premiums annually? It has always been denied by the republican party in this country, that the Constitution had given the power of incorporation to Congress. On the establishment of the Bank of the United States, this was the great ground on which that establishment was combatted; and the party prevailing supported it only on the argument of its being an incident to the power given them for raising money. On this ground it has been acquiesced in, and will probably be again acquiesced in, as subsequently confirmed by public opinion. But in no other instance have they ever exercised this power of incorporation out of this district, of which they are the ordinary legislature.
It is still more settled that among the purposes to which the Constitution permits them to apply money, the granting premiums or bounties is not enumerated, and there has never been a single instance of their doing it, although there has been a multiplicity of applications. The Constitution has left these encouragements to the separate States. I have in two or three messages recommended to Congress an amendment to the Constitution, which should extend their power to these objects. But nothing is yet done in it. I fear, therefore, that the institution you propose must rest on the patronage of the State in which it is to be. I wish I could have answered you more to my own mind; as well as yours; but truth is the first object. I salute you with esteem and respect.
CIRCULAR LETTER FROM THE SECRETARY OF WAR, TO THE GOVERNORS,—PREPARED BY THOMAS JEFFERSON
January 17, 1809.
Sir,—The pressure of the embargo, although sensibly felt by every description of our fellow citizens, has yet been cheerfully borne by most of them, under the conviction that it was a temporary evil, and a necessary one to save us from greater and more permanent evils,—the loss of property and surrender of rights. But it would have been more cheerfully borne, but for the knowledge that, while honest men were religiously observing it, the unprincipled along our sea-coast and frontiers were fraudulently evading it; and that in some parts they had even dared to break through it openly, by an armed force too powerful to be opposed by the collector and his assistants. To put an end to this scandalous insubordination to the laws, the Legislature has authorized the President to empower proper persons to employ militia, for preventing or suppressing armed or riotous assemblages of persons resisting the custom-house officers in the exercise of their duties, or opposing or violating the embargo laws. He sincerely hopes that, during the short time which these restrictions are expected to continue, no other instances will take place of a crime of so deep a die. But it is made his duty to take the measures necessary to meet it. He therefore requests you, as commanding officer of the militia of your State, to appoint some officer of the militia, of known respect for the laws, in or near to each port of entry within your State, with orders, when applied to by the collector of the district, to assemble immediately a sufficient force of his militia, and to employ them efficaciously to maintain the authority of the laws respecting the embargo, and that you notify to each collector the officer to whom, by your appointment, he is so to apply for aid when necessary. He has referred this appointment to your Excellency, because your knowledge of characters, or means of obtaining it, will enable you to select one who can be most confided in to exercise so serious a power, with all the discretion, the forbearance, the kindness even, which the enforcement of the law will possibly admit,—ever to bear in mind that the life of a citizen is never to be endangered, but as the last melancholy effort for the maintenance of order and obedience to the laws.
