Томас Джефферсон
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 5 (of 9)
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR CABELL
Washington, October 12, 1807.
Dear Sir,—I now return you several of Major Newton's letters, some of which have been kept awhile for consideration. It is determined that there shall be no relaxation in the conditions of the proclamations, or any change in the rules of intercourse by flag. If the British officers set the example of refusing to receive a flag, let ours then follow it by never sending or receiving another. The interval cannot now be long in which matters will remain at their present point. I salute you with great friendship and respect.
TO MR. GALLATIN
Washington, October 14, 1807
I think the proper instructions for Mr. Christie's revenue cutter may be drawn from those given to Captain Decatur. The authority of the proclamation is to be maintained, no supplies to be permitted to be carried to the British vessels, nor their vessels permitted to land. For these purposes force, and to any extent, is to be applied, if necessary, but not unless necessary, nor, considering how short a time the present state of things has to continue, would I recommend any extraordinary vigilance or great industry in seeking even just occasions for collision. It will suffice to do what is right when the occasion comes into their way. I cannot doubt the expediency of getting the instruments recommended by Mr. Patterson, and of the best kind, if they can be got in England, because I almost know they cannot be made in any other country equally good, and I should be quite averse to getting those which should not be perfect.
May we not at once appoint the republican candidate for the collectorship of Snow-hill? Affectionate salutations.
TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR
Washington, October 17, 1807.
Dear Sir,—I forwarded to Mr. Smith, Secretary of the Navy, an extract of so much of my letter to you of August 31st, as suggested the idea of artificial harbors for gun-boats, on the horse-shoe and middle grounds, with a view to his having their formation examined, to know if they would support works, and their distance ascertained, to know what would be their effect. The objects were, 1, to provide an asylum on the shoals for gun-boats against weather and ships of war, and 2, to prevent ships lying within the capes. I enclose you the opinion of Captain Porter, according to which, without thinking of attempting works so difficult and doubtful, both ends will be answered by a work at Lynhaven river, where the shoals are extensive enough to keep off ships of war, and the river sufficiently capacious to receive all the gun-boats. He thinks a work at Point Comfort might also be useful. I send you his draught, which, being merely an enlargement from More's map on a very minute scale, is not to be much depended on; and considering the extent of country that point is to defend, I recommend it to your consideration, as one of our important objects. Affectionate salutations.
TO GOVERNOR SULLIVAN
Washington, October 18, 1807.
Sir,—I have duly received your favor of the 8th inst., covering, at the request of the general court of Massachusetts, a memorial to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, on behalf of Benjamin Hichborn and others, with a desire that I would communicate and recommend the same to both Houses of Congress. I should avail myself with particular pleasure of every occasion of doing what would be acceptable to the legislative and executive authorities of Massachusetts, and which should be within the limits of my functions. The Executive of the Union is, indeed, by the Constitution, made the channel of communication between foreign powers and the United States. But citizens, whether individually, or in bodies corporate, or associated, have a right to apply directly to any department of their government, whether legislative, executive, or judiciary, the exercise of whose powers they have a right to claim; and neither of these can regularly offer its intervention in a case belonging to the other. The communication and recommendation by me to Congress of the memorial you have been pleased to enclose me, would be an innovation, not authorized by the practice of our government, and therefore the less likely to add to its weight or effect. Thus restrained from serving you in the exact way desired, I have thought I could not better do it than by a prompt return of the papers, that no time might be lost in transmitting them through the accustomary channels of your Senators and Representatives in Congress; and I avail myself of the occasion of assuring you of my very high respect and consideration.
TO DOCTOR BARTON
Washington, October 18, 1807.
Dear Sir,—I received last night a diploma from the Linnæan Society of Philadelphia, doing me the honor of associating me to their body. I pray you to do me the favor of assuring the society of my sensibility for this mark of their notice, and of my thanks. Sincerely associated with the friends of science, in spirit and inclination, I regret the constant occupations of a different kind, which put out of my power the proper co-operations with them, had I otherwise the talents for them. I shall gladly embrace any occasion which can be offered of being useful to the society, as a mark of my acknowledgments for their favors, with my thanks for the copy of your discourse, enclosed at the same time. I pray you to receive my friendly salutations, and assurances of great respect and esteem.
TO JAMES GAMBLE, ESQ
Washington, October 21, 1807.
Sir,—Your favor of the 17th has been duly received. I have long seen, and with very great regret, the schisms which have taken place among the republicans, and principally those of Pennsylvania and New York. As far as I have been able to judge, they have not been produced by any difference of political principle,—at least, any important difference, but by a difference of opinion as to persons. I determined from the first moment to take no part in them, and that the government should know nothing of any such differences. Accordingly, it has never been attended to in any appointment, or refusal of appointment. General Shee's personal merit, universally acknowledged, was the cause of his appointment as Indian Superintendent, and a subsequent discovery that his removal to this place (the indispensable residence of that officer), would be peculiarly unpleasant to him suggested his translation to another office, to solve the double difficulty. Rarely reading the controversial pieces between the different sections of republicans, I have not seen the piece in the Aurora, to which you allude; but I may with truth assure you, that no fact has come to my knowledge which has ever induced any doubt of your continued attachment to the true principles of republican government. I am thankful for the favorable sentiments you are so kind as to express towards me personally, and trust that an uniform pursuit of the principles and conduct which have procured, will continue to me an approbation, which I highly value.
I salute you with great esteem and respect.
TO GOVERNOR CABELL
Washington, October 25, 1807.
Sir,—Your letters of the 21st and 22d are received, and I now return Captain Read's of the 18th. We conclude it unnecessary to call for another corps of militia, to relieve that now in service at Lynhaven. General Dearborn will write, and give the necessary directions for discharging, paying, &c. I suspect the departure of the British armed vessels from our waters, is in consequence of orders from their government to respect the proclamation. If Congress should approve our ideas of defensive works for the several harbors of the United States, there will be a regular fort at the mouth of Lynhaven river, to protect such a number of gun-boats to be stationed there as will, in case of war, render it too dangerous to any armed vessel to enter the bay; and thus to protect the bay and all its waters at its mouth. I salute you with great esteem and respect.
TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR
Washington, October 27, 1807.
Dear Sir,—I have reflected on the case of the embodying of the militia in Ohio, and think the respect we owe to the State may overweigh the disapprobation so justly due to the conduct of their Governor pro tem. They certainly had great merit, and have acquired a very general favor through the Union, for the early and vigorous blows by which they crushed the insurrection of Burr. We have now again to appeal to their patriotism and public spirit in the same case; and should there be war, they are our bulwark in the most prominent point of assault from the Indians. Their good will and affection, therefore, should be conciliated by all justifiable means. If we suffer the question of paying the militia embodied to be thrown on their Legislature, it will excite acrimonious debate in that body, and they will spread the same dissatisfaction among their constituents, and finally it will be forced back on us through Congress. Would it not, therefore, be better to say to Mr. Kirker, that the general government is fully aware that emergencies which appertain to them will sometimes arise so suddenly as not to give time for consulting them, before the State must get into action; that the expenses in such cases, incurred on reasonable grounds, will be met by the general government; and that in the present case, although it appears there was no real ground for embodying the militia, and that more certain measures for ascertaining the truth should have been taken before embodying them, yet an unwillingness to damp the public spirit of your countrymen, and the justice due to the individuals who came forward in defence of their country, and who could not know the grounds on which they were called, have determined us to consider the call as justifiable, and to defray the expenses. This is submitted to you for consideration. Affectionate salutations.
TO MR. GALLATIN
October 28, 1807.
I think there is nothing in the former regulations of the Salines which hindered merchants or others of the country round about, far or near, from purchasing salt at the Salines, at the stated price, and carrying and vending it elsewhere at their own price; and it was naturally to be expected that competition would in this way reduce it to a proper price wherever sold. If this had taken place, it would have been desirable that the lessees should not have engaged in it, because as the price at a distance must add some profit to the transportation and first cost, this profit might have induced the lessees to sell reluctantly on the spot. As the merchants, however, have not entered into this business, I think it would be well to let the lessees begin it, leaving them open to the effect of future competition; subjecting them to a maximum as they themselves propose, and to have the permission revoked if they obstruct sales at the Salines, or otherwise abuse the permission. I return you their letter.
I return you, also, the papers respecting the lead mines, and think with you that one-fifth for the three last years is not unreasonable.
I propose to inform Mr. Moore (if you know of no objection,) that I approve his proposition for cutting the whole road from Cumberland to Brownsville. We shall by this means secure, at any rate, the benefit of their location, which will of itself have occasioned considerable expense. Affectionate salutations.
TO MR. GALLATIN
October 31, 1807.
The rent we proposed for the Indiana lead mine was two-tenths of three years' produce=six-tenths of one year's produce for five years' occupation: and one-tenth of five year's produce=five-tenths of one year's produce for five years' occupation, is the option you propose. There can be but one objection to it, that is, the effect which a rent of one-tenth annually might have in lowering the future rents permanently. From the Louisiana standing rent of one-tenth, and the offer of one-tenth for the Indiana mine, I suspect that one-fifth may be too much for a permanent rent. What would you think of continuing the offer of two years free of rent, and one-eighth of the metal afterwards? I think the most important object for the public is to find what rent the tenant can pay and still have an encouraging profit for himself, and to obtain that rent. However, I suggest this merely for your consideration.
I have written to Mr. Moore on the subject of the road. Whom shall we appoint in the room of Kilgore. I have conversed with Morrar, but have had no opportunity of speaking with Governor Tiffin. Affectionate salutations.
TO GOVERNOR CABELL
Washington, November 1, 1807.
Dear Sir,—Your late letters have been regularly referred to the Secretary at War, who has already answered their several enquiries, or will do it immediately. I am inclined to believe that the departure of the British vessels from our waters must be in consequence of orders from England to respect the authorities of the country. Within about a fortnight we think we may expect answers from England which will decide whether this cloud is to issue in a storm or calm. Here we are pacifically inclined, if anything comes which will permit us to follow our inclinations. But whether we have peace or war, I think the present Legislature will authorize a complete system of defensive works, on such a scale as they think they ought to adopt. The state of our finances now permits this. To defensive works by land they will probably add a considerable enlargement of the force in gun-boats. A combination of these, will, I think, enable us to defend the Chesapeake at its mouth, and save the vast line of preparation which the defence of all its interior waters would otherwise require. I salute you with great esteem and respect.
TO GOVERNOR WILLIAMS
Washington, November 1, 1807.
Sir,—I have duly received your letter of August 25th, in which you express a wish that the letters received from you may be acknowledged, in order to ascertain their safe transmission. Those received the present year have been of March 14, May 11, and 30, June 8, July 3, August 12, and 25. They have not been before acknowledged in conformity with a practice which the constant pressure of business has forced me to follow, of not answering letters which do not necessarily require it. I have seen with regret, the violence of the dissensions in your quarter. We have the same in the territories of Louisiana and Michigan. It seems that the smaller the society the bitterer the dissensions into which it breaks. Perhaps this observation answers all the objections drawn by Mr. Adams from the small republics of Italy. I believe ours is to owe its permanence to its great extent, and the smaller portion comparatively, which can ever be convulsed at one time by local passions. We expect shortly now to hear from England, and to know how the present cloud is to terminate. We are all pacifically inclined here, if anything comes from thence which will permit us to follow our inclinations. I salute you with esteem and respect.
TO MR. GALLATIN
November 8, 1807.
I will sign a proclamation for the sale of the lands northwest of Ohio, whenever you think proper. I believe the form is in your office, and in the course of this week we will agree on the officers.
I am afraid we know too little as yet of the lead mines to establish a permanent system. I verily believe that of leasing will be far the best for the United States. But it will take time to find out what rent may be reserved, so as to enable the lessee to compete with those who work mines in their own right, and yet have an encouraging profit for themselves. Having on the spot two such men as Lewis and Bates, in whose integrity and prudence unlimited confidence may be placed, would it not be best to confide to them the whole business of leasing and regulating the management of our interests, recommending to them short leases, at first, till themselves shall become thoroughly acquainted with the subject, and shall be able to reduce the management to a system, which the government may then approve and adhere to. I think one article of it should be that the rent shall be paid in metal, not in mineral, so that we may have nothing to do with works which will always be mismanaged, and reduce our concern to a simple rent. We shall lose more by ill-managed smelting works than the digging the ore is worth. Then it would be better that our ore remained in the earth than in a storehouse, and consequently we give nine-tenths of the ore for nothing. These thoughts are merely for your consideration. Affectionate salutations.
TO MR. SHORT
Washington, November 15, 1807.
Dear Sir,—Yours of the 6th has been duly received. On the subject of your location for the winter, it is impossible in my view of it, to doubt on the preference which should be given to this place. Under any circumstances it could not but be satisfactory to you to acquire an intimate knowledge of our political machine, not merely of its organization, but the individuals and characters composing it, their general mode of thinking, and of acting openly and secretly. Of all this you can learn no more at Philadelphia than of a diet of the empire. None but an eye-witness can really understand it, and it is quite as important to be known to them, and to obtain a certain degree of their confidence in your own right. In a government like ours, the standing of a man well with this portion of the public must weigh against a considerable difference of other qualifications. Your quarters here may not perhaps be quite as comfortable as at Philadelphia. There is a good house half-way between this and the Treasury, where General Dearborne, Mr. and Mrs. Cutts, board together. I do not know if there is a vacancy in it, but there are houses all along the avenue, convenient to the Capitol, and to this house also, to come and take your soup with us every day, when not otherwise engaged.
Our affairs with Spain laid dormant during the absence of Bonaparte from Paris, because we know Spain would do nothing towards settling them, but by compulsion. Immediately on his return, our terms were stated to him, and his interposition obtained. If it was with good faith, its effect will be instantaneous; if not with good faith, we shall discover it by affected delays, and must decide accordingly. I think a few weeks will clear up this matter. With England, all is uncertain. The late stuff by Captain Doane, is merely a counterbalance for the stuff we had a week before of a contrary aspect. Those dialogues they put into the mouths of the ministers were not likely to be communicated to the newswriters, and they are founded on a falsehood within my knowledge, not that I have confidence with an amicable arrangement with England; but I have not the less on account of this information. One circumstance only in it, I view as very possible, that she may by proclamation forbid all commerce with her enemies, which is equivalent to forbidding it with any nation but herself. As her commerce could not be accepted on such terms, this will be as much of a war as she could wage if she were to declare war, for she can wage only a maritime war with us. In such a case we could not let the war be all on one side but must certainly endeavor at as much indemnification as we could take. If we have war with her, we shall need no loan the first year, a domestic loan only the second year, but after that, foreign loans. The moment the war is decided, we shall think it necessary to take measures to insure these by the time they are wanted, and your management of this kind of business, formerly, is known to have been so advantageous, that we should certainly wish to avail ourselves of your services, if they can be obtained conformably to our joint views. But nothing specific can be said until the denouement of our present situation. No inference can be drawn from Monroe's return, (which I dare say will be by the Revenge,) because his return this autumn had been earnestly solicited by him, and agreed to by us. The classification of our militia will be again proposed, on a better plan, and with more probable success. With respect to General Moreau, no one entertains a more cordial esteem for his character than I do, and although our relations with France have rendered it a duty in me not to seek any public manifestation of it, yet were accident to bring us together, I could not be so much wanting to my own sentiments and those of my constituents individually, as to omit a cordial manifestation of it.
