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полная версияThe Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 5 (of 9)

Томас Джефферсон
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 5 (of 9)

TO MR. JAMES PEMBERTON

Washington, November 16, 1807.

Sir,—Your favor of October 31st has been duly received, and I thank you for the communication of the report of the Committee of Friends. It gives me great satisfaction to see that we are likely to render our Indian neighbors happier in themselves and well affected to us; that the measures we are pursuing are prescribed equally by our duty to them, and by the good of our own country. It is a proof the more of the indissoluble alliance between our duties and interest, which if ever they appear to lead in opposite directions, we may be assured it is from our own defective views. It is evident that your society has begun at the right end for civilizing these people. Habits of industry, easy subsistence, attachment to property, are necessary to prepare their minds for the first elements of science, and afterwards for moral and religious instruction. To begin with the last has ever ended either in effecting nothing, or ingrafting bigotry on ignorance, and setting them to tomahawking and burning old women and others as witches, of which we have seen a commencement among them. There are two circumstances which have enabled us to advance the southern tribes faster than the northern; 1, they are larger, and the agents and instructors therefore can extend their instruction and influence over a much larger surface; 2, the southern tribes can raise cotton, and immediately enter on the process of spinning and weaving, so as to clothe themselves without resorting to the chase. The northern tribes cannot cultivate cotton, nor can they supply its want by raising sheep, because of the number of wolves. I see not how they are to clothe themselves till they shall have destroyed these animals, which will be a work of time. They should make this one of the principal objects of their hunts. I salute you with great esteem and respect.

TO DANIEL ECCLESTON, ESQUIRE

Washington, November 21, 1807.

Sir,—I received on the 22d ult. your favor of May 20th, with the medals accompanying it, through the channel of my friend and ancient class-mate, Mr. Manning, of Liverpool. That our own nation should entertain sentiments of gratitude and reverence for the great character who is the subject of your medallion, is a matter of duty. His disinterested and valuable services to them have rendered it so; but such a monument to his memory by the member of another community, proves a zeal for virtue in the abstract, honorable to him who inscribes it, as to him whom it commemorates. In returning you my individual thanks for the one destined for myself, I should perform but a part of my duty were I not to add an assurance that this testimonial in favor of the first worthy of our country will be grateful to the feelings of our citizens generally.

I immediately forwarded the two other medals and the letter to Judge Washington, with a request that he would hand one of them to Chief Justice Marshall. I salute you with great respect.

TO MR. MAURY

Washington, November 21, 1807.

Dear Sir,—Your favor of July 21st came to hand October 22d, with the letters and medals of General Washington, from Mr. Eccleston, and I now take the liberty of enclosing through you my acknowledgments to him. This tribute of respect to the first worthy of our country, is honorable to him who renders as to him who is the subject of it.

The world, as you justly observe, is truly in an awful state. Two nations of overgrown power are endeavoring to establish, the one an universal dominion by sea, the other by land. We naturally fear that which comes into immediate contact with us, leaving remoter dangers to the chapter of accidents. We are now in hourly expectation of hearing from our ministers in London, by the return of the Revenge. Whether she will bring us war or peace, or the middle state of non-intercourse, seems suspended in equal balance. With every wish for peace, permitted by the circumstances forced upon us, we look to war as equally probable. The crops of the present year have been great beyond example. The wheat sown for the ensuing year is in a great measure destroyed by the drought and the fly. A favorable winter and spring sometimes do wonders towards recovering unpromising grain; but nothing can make the next crop of wheat a good one.

The present aspect of our foreign relations has encouraged here a general spirit of encouragement to domestic manufacture. The Merino breed of sheep is well established with us, and fine samples of cloth are sent on from the north. Considerable manufactures of cotton are also commencing. Philadelphia, particularly, is becoming more manufacturing than commercial. I have heard nothing lately from your friends in Albemarle; but if all had not been well with them, I should have heard of it. I tender you my affectionate salutations, and assurances of constant friendship and respect.

TO MR. GALLATIN

November 22, 1807.

The defence of Orleans against a land army can never be provided for, according to the principles of the Constitution, till we can get a sufficient militia here. I think therefore to get the enclosed bill brought forward again. Will you be so good as to make any alterations in it which the present state of the surveys may have rendered necessary, and any others you shall think for the better?

TO COLONEL MINOR

Washington, November 25, 1807.

Dear Sir,—Your favor of the 23d came to hand last night, and I thank you for your attention to the letter to Mrs. Dangerfield, whose answer I have received. Perceiving that you are rendered unquiet by the impudent falsehoods with which the newspapers have tormented the public feelings lately, in a moment of extraordinary anxiety, I must assure you that these articles are all demonstrably false, that is to say, the information of about three or four weeks ago that the ministers on both sides had given out that all things were amicably arranged. That which followed a week after assuring us all negotiation was at an end, and war inevitable, that is to say, Capt. Doane's news, and what followed a few days ago of Bonaparte's pretended answer to queries, extending his decree to us, coming via Antwerp and Bordeaux. It is believed that the last was fabricated in Boston, to counteract the war-news from England there afloat. I have no doubt Monroe is coming home, and that he, as well as the Revenge, may be expected about the last of the month; and I think it possible he may be the bearer of propositions for a middle ground between us, modifying what we have deemed indispensable; consequently that there will be time still employed in these things crossing and re-crossing the Atlantic, during which peace may take place in Europe, which of course removes all ground of dispute between us till another war. As to the Chesapeake, there is no doubt they will make satisfaction of some sort. This is my present idea of the present state of things with that country, but founded as you will perceive on possibilities only and conjectures, which one week may ascertain. I salute you with great friendship and respect.

TO MR. FULTON

December 10, 1807.

Thomas Jefferson presents Mr. Fulton his thanks for the communication of his Memoir, which he has read with great satisfaction, and now returns. There is nothing in it but what will contribute to the promotion of its great object; and some of the calculations will have a very powerful effect. He salutes him with esteem and respect.

TO MR. BARLOW

Washington, December 10, 1807.

Dear Sir,—I return you Mr. Law's letter, with thanks for the communication. I wish he may be a true prophet as to peace in six months. It is impossible that any other man should wish it as much as I do; although duty may control that wish. The desire of peace is very much strengthened in me by that which I feel in favor of the great subjects of yours and Mr. Fulton's letters. I had fondly hoped to set those enterprizes into motion with the last legislature I shall meet. But the chance of war is an unfortunate check. I do not however despair that the proposition of amendment may be sent down this session to the legislatures. But it is not certain. There is a snail-paced gate for the advance of new ideas on the general mind, under which we must acquiesce. A forty years' experience of popular assemblies has taught me, that you must give them time for every step you take. If too hard pushed, they baulk, and the machine retrogrades. I doubt whether precedence will be given to your part of the plan before Mr. Fulton's. People generally have more feeling for canals and roads than education. However, I hope we can advance them with equal pace. If the amendment is sent out this session, returned to the next, and no war takes place, we may offer the plan to the next session in the form of a bill, the preparation of which should be the work of the ensuing summer. I salute you affectionately.

TO GENERAL JOHN MASON

Although the decree of the French government of November 21st comprehended, in its literal terms, the commerce of the United States, yet the prompt explanation by one of the ministers of that government that it was not so understood, and that our treaty would be respected, the practice which took place in the French ports conformably with that explanation, and the recent interference of that government to procure in Spain a similar construction of a similar decree there, had given well-founded expectation that it would not be extended to us; and this was much strengthened by the consideration of their obvious interests. But the information from our minister at Paris now communicated to Congress is, that it is determined to extend the effect of that decree to us; and it is probable that Spain and the other Atlantic and Mediterranean States of Europe will co-operate in the same measure. The British regulations had before reduced us to a direct voyage to a single port of their enemies, and it is now believed they will interdict all commerce whatever with them. A proclamation too of that government (not officially, indeed, communicated to us, yet so given out to the public as to become a rule of action with them,) seems to have shut the door on all negotiation with us, except as to the single aggression on the Chesapeake.

 

The sum of these mutual enterprises on our national rights is that France, and her allies, reserving for further consideration the prohibiting our carrying anything to the British territories, have virtually done it, by restraining our bringing a return cargo from them; and Great Britain, after prohibiting a great proposition of our commerce with France and her allies, is now believed to have prohibited the whole. The whole world is thus laid under interdict by these two nations, and our vessels, their cargoes and crews, are to be taken by the one or the other, for whatever place they may be destined, out of our own limits. If, therefore, on leaving our harbors we are certainly to lose them, is it not better, as to vessels, cargoes, and seamen, to keep them at home? This is submitted to the wisdom of Congress, who alone are competent to provide a remedy.

TO DOCTOR WISTAR

Washington, December 19, 1807.

Dear Sir,—I have never known to what family you ascribed the Wild Sheep, or Fleecy Goat, as Governor Lewis called it, or the Potio-trajos, if its name must be Greek. He gave me a skin, but I know he carried a more perfect one, with the horns on, to Mr. Peale; and if I recollect well those horns, they, with the fleece, would induce one to suspect it to be the Lama, or at least a Lamæ affinis. I will thank you to inform me what you determine it to be.

I have lately received a letter from General Clarke. He has employed ten laborers several weeks, at the Big-bone Lick, and has shipped the result, in three large boxes, down the Ohio, via New Orleans, for this place, where they are daily expected. He has sent, 1st, of the Mammoth, as he calls it, frontals, jaw-bones, tusks, teeth, ribs, a thigh, and a leg, and some bones of the paw; 2d, of what he calls the Elephant, a jaw-bone, tusks, teeth, ribs; 3d, of something of the Buffalo species, a head and some other bones unknown. My intention, in having this research thoroughly made, was to procure for the society as complete a supplement to what is already possessed as that lick can furnish at this day, and to serve them first with whatever they wish to possess of it. There is a tusk and a femur which General Clarke procured particularly at my request, for a special kind of Cabinet I have at Monticello. But the great mass of the collection are mere duplicates of what you possess at Philadelphia, of which I would wish to make a donation to the National Institute of France, which I believe has scarcely any specimens of the remains of these animals. But how to make the selection without the danger of sending away something which might be useful to our own society? Indeed, my friend, you must give a week to this object. You cannot but have some wish to see Washington for its site, and some of its edifices, which will give you pleasure. You will see one room especially, to which Europe can show nothing superior. Baltimore, too, is an object. Take your lodgings at the tavern close by us. Mess with me every day, and in the intervals of your perlustrations of the city, Navy Yard, Capitol, &c., examine these bones, and set apart what you would wish for the society. I will give you notice when they arrive here, and then you will select a time when you can best absent yourself for a week from Philadelphia. I hope you will not deny us this great service, and I salute you with friendship and respect.

TO GEN. WILLIAM CLARKE

Washington, December 19, 1807.

Dear Sir,—I have duly received your two favors of September 20th, and November 10th, and am greatly obliged, indeed, by the trouble you have been so good as to take in procuring for me as thorough a supplement to the bones of the Mammoth as can now be had. I expect daily to receive your bill for all the expenses, which shall be honored with thanks.

The collection you have made is so considerable that it has suggested an idea I had not before. I see that after taking out for the Philosophical Society everything they shall desire, there will remain such a collection of duplicates as will be a grateful offering from me to the National Institute of France, for whom I am bound to do something. But in order to make it more considerable, I find myself obliged to ask the addition of those which you say you have deposited with your brother at Clarkesville, such as ribs, backbones, leg bones, thigh, ham hips, shoulder-blades, parts of the upper and under jaw, teeth of the Mammoth and Elephant, and parts of the Mammoth tusks, to be forwarded hereafter, if necessary.

I avail myself of these last words to ask that they may packed and forwarded to me by the way of New Orleans, as the others have been. I do this with the less hesitation, knowing these things can be of little value to yourself or brother, so much in the way of furnishing yourselves, if desired, and because I know they will be so acceptable to an institution to which, as a member, I wish to be of some use. I salute you with great friendship and respect.

TO GENERAL GEORGE ROGERS CLARKE

Washington, December 19, 1807.

Dear General,—As I think it probable your brother will have left you before the enclosed comes to hand, I have left it open, and request you to read it, and do for me what it asks of him, and what he will do should he still be with you, that is to say to have the bones packed and forwarded for me to William Brown, collector at New Orleans, who will send them on to me.

I avail myself of this occasion of recalling myself to your memory, and of assuring you that time has not lessened my friendship for you. We are both now grown old. You have been enjoying in retirement the recollections of the services you have rendered your country, and I am about to retire without an equal consciousness that I have not occupied places in which others would have done more good. But in all places and times I shall wish you every happiness, and salute you with great friendship and esteem.

TO MR. GALLATIN

December 24, 1807.

I think there should certainly be an inquiry into the conduct of Taylor of Ceracock, the charges being specified, of the most serious nature, and offered to be proved.

We might take a conveyance of the lands at Tarpaulin cove, of an estate, to continue so long as a light-house should be kept upon it, and used as a light-house. It would not be a fee simple, but what the lawyers call a base fee. But it would be a bad example, and we should have all proprietors hereafter insisting on the same thing. It is better they should trust to the liberality of the United States, in giving them a pre-emption if the light-house be discontinued. It will be better to add to the absolute conveyance, such restriction of right as we consent to, to wit, that there shall be no tavern, &c., than attempt to enumerate the rights we may exercise,—e. g., that we may keep cows, cultivate, &c.

I approve entirely the idea of conveying to the city of New Orleans the rights of the United States in the Batture, lately claimed by that city, and to all other Riparian possessors on the Mississippi all alluvions, and all atterisements, or shoals, left uncovered at low water, saving to navigators the right of landing, unloading, &c. But providing that the claim to the Batture given to the city, should be decided by special commissioners to whom the evidence and arguments in writing shall be sent, without any necessity of their going there.

Should not a bill be immediately proposed for amending the embargo law? In the meantime the revenue cutters and armed vessels must use force.

Cockle's bonds are certainly good set-offs against his Louisiana bills, and ought so to be used to save his sureties.

I am glad to find we have 4,000,000 acres west of Chafalaya. How much better to have every 160 acres settled by an able-bodied militia man, than by purchasers with their hordes of negroes, to add weakness instead of strength. Affectionate salutations.

TO THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Washington, December 26, 1807.

Dear Sir,—I return you the letters you were so kind as to communicate to me, on the appointment of Dr. Waterhouse to the care of the marine hospital. When he was decided on (November 26th), no other candidate had been named to me as desiring the place.

The respectable recommendations I had received, and his station as professor of medicine in a college of high reputation, sufficiently warranted his abilities as a physician, and to these was added a fact well known, that, to his zeal, the United States were indebted for the introduction of a great blessing,—vaccination, which has extirpated one of the most loathsome and mortal diseases which has afflicted humanity some years, probably, sooner than would otherwise have taken place. It was a pleasure, therefore, as well as a duty, in dispensing the public favors, to make this small return for the great service rendered our country by Dr. Waterhouse.

That he is not a professional surgeon is not an objection. The marine hospitals are medical institutions, for the relief of common seamen, and the ordinary diseases to which they are liable. To them, therefore, professional physicians have always been appointed.

A surgeon is named to the navy hospital. The surgeon will have medical cases under him, and the physician some surgical cases; but not in sufficient proportion to change the characters of the institutions, or of the persons to whom they are committed.

On a review of the subject, therefore, I have no reason to doubt that the person appointed will perform the services of the marine hospital with ability and faithfulness; and I feel a satisfaction in having done something towards discharging a moral obligation of the nation, to one who has saved so many of its victims from a mortal disease. Nor is it unimportant to the State in which that institution is, that it has extended his means of usefulness to the medical students of its college.

I am thankful now, as at all times, for information on the subject of appointments, even when it comes too late to be used. I know none but public motives in making them. It is more difficult and more painful than all the other duties of my office, and one in which I am sufficiently conscious that involuntary error must often be committed; and I am particularly thankful to yourself for this opportunity of explaining the grounds of the appointment in question; and I tender you sincere assurances of my affectionate esteem and respect.

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