Томас Джефферсон
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 5 (of 9)
TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR
Monticello, August 31, 1807.
Dear Sir,—Mr. Madison will have written to you on the subject of a demand of $1,000 furnished to Lieut Pike, to be repaid to Fronda, which of course must come out of the military fund.
I enclose you an application from Mr. Graham for a commission in the army for a Mr. Lithgow, relation of Mr. Henderson, who solicits it, and who, I think, has a just claim for the gratification.
I enclose you also a letter from Captain Brent to Mr. Coles on the subject of their commissions. They presented to me a list of names engaged, and of the officers they had chosen. I do not remember the words of my answer; but the idea meant to be expressed was only that the officers should be commissioned. I had no idea of fixing a date for them before they should have raised what could be accepted as a troop. They seem to have understood the date of my acceptance as the proper date of their commissions. I told Mr. Coles I would consult you; and that my own idea was to inquire what was the smallest number ever admitted as a troop or company, and let their commissions have the date of the day on which they had engaged that number. This may be the subject of conversation when we meet.
I send you a paper on the defence of the mouth of the Chesapeake. We never expect from the writer a detailed, well-digested and practicable plan; but good ideas and susceptible of improvement sometimes escape from him. The first question is, whether works on the shore of Lynhaven may not be constructed for dislodging an enemy from that bay by throwing bombs? and whether they can lie there in safety out of the reach of bombs? There is no other place where they can lie in safety so near the Capes, not to be in danger of being intercepted by gun-boats, and attacked with the advantage of weather. 2d. May not artificial harbors be made on the middle grounds and Horseshoe for the reception of gun boats, with cavaliers for the discharge of bombs? and will not these two points and Lynhaven thus command all the mouth of the bay? To answer these questions will require an accurate survey of the whole field, which, if we have not, we should direct to be made. It is an important fact that the middle grounds have been seen bare; and that both these and the Horseshoe are always shoal. Cannot cassoons filled with stone, and of the shape of truncated wedges, be sunk there in close order so as to enclose a harbor for gun-boats, of such a height as that the sea shall not go over it in the highest tides, and of base proportioned to the height and sufficient to resist the force of the water? The nearest stone is up James river above the Hundred, and up York river above West Point, from whence however it can be brought in ships of size. At New York, they calculate on depositing their stone for from 4 to 5 cents the cubic foot. If it costs the double here, the amount would not be disproportioned to the object, if we consider what a vast extent of coast on the Chesapeake and its waters will otherwise be depredated or secured by works and troops in detail. I throw out these thoughts now that they may be under your consideration, while making up the general statement of defensive works for the sea coast. Present my respects to Mrs. Dearborne, and accept my affectionate salutations.
TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE
Monticello, September 1, 1807.
Dear Sir,—I think with you we had better send to Algiers some of the losing articles in order to secure peace there while it is uncertain elsewhere. While war with England is probable, everything leading to it with every other nation should be avoided, except with Spain. As to her, I think it the precise moment when we should declare to the French government that we will instantly seize on the Floridas as reprisal for the spoliations denied us, and, that if by a given day they are paid to us, we will restore all east of the Perdido, and hold the rest subject to amicable discussion. Otherwise, we will hold them forever as compensation for the spoliations. This to be a subject of consideration when we assemble.
One reason for suggesting the discontinuance of the daily post was, that it is not kept up by contract, but at the expense of the United States. But the principal reason was to avoid giving ground for clamor. The general idea is, that those who receive annual compensations should be constantly at their posts. Our constituents might not in the first moment consider 1st, that we all have property to take care of, which we cannot abandon for temporary salaries; 2d, that we have health to take care of, which at this season cannot be preserved at Washington; 3d, that while at our separate homes our public duties are fully executed, and at much greater personal labor than while we are together when a short conference saves a long letter. I am aware that in the present crisis some incident might turn up where a day's delay might infinitely overweigh a month's expense of the daily post. Affectionate salutations.
TO MR. COOPER
Monticello, September 1, 1807.
Dear Sir,—Your favor of the 9th is received, and with it the copy of Dr. Priestley's Memoirs, for which I return you many thanks. I shall read them with great pleasure, as I revered the character of no man living more than his. With another part of your letter I am sensibly affected. I have not here my correspondence with Governor McKean to turn to, but I have no reason to doubt that the particular letter referred to may have been silent on the subject of your appointment as stated. The facts are these: The opinion I have ever entertained, and still entertain as strongly as ever, of your abilities and integrity, was such as made it my wish, from the moment I came to the administration, that you should be employed in some public way. On a review, however, of all circumstances, it appeared to me that the State of Pennsylvania had occasions for your service, which would be more acceptable than any others to yourself because they would leave you in the enjoyment of the society of Dr. Priestley, to which your attachment was known. I therefore expressed my solicitude respecting you to Governor McKean, whose desires to serve yourself and the public by employing you I knew to be great, and of course that you were an object of mutual concern, and I received his information of having found employment for your talents with the sincerest pleasure. But pressed as I am perpetually by an overflow of business, and adopting from necessity the rule of never answering any letter, or part of a letter, which can do without answer, in replying to his which related to other subjects, I probably said nothing on that, because my former letter had sufficiently manifested how pleasing the circumstance must be to me, and my time and practice did not permit me to be repeating things already said. This is a candid statement of that incident, and I hope you will see in it a silence accounted for on grounds far different from that of a continuance of my estimation and good wishes, which have experienced no change. With respect to the schism among the republicans in your State, I have ever declared to both parties that I consider the general government as bound to take no part in it, and I have carefully kept both my judgment, my affections, and my conduct, clear of all bias to either. It is true, as you have heard, that a distance has taken place between Mr. Clay and myself. The cause I never could learn nor imagine. I had always known him to be an able man, and I believed him an honest one. I had looked to his coming into Congress with an entire belief that he would be cordial with the administration, and even before that I had always had him in my mind for a high and important vacancy which had been from time to time expected, but is only now about to take place. I feel his loss therefore with real concern, but it is irremediable from the necessity of harmony and cordiality between those who are to manage together the public concerns. Not only his withdrawing from the usual civilities of intercourse with me, (which even the federalists with two or three exceptions keep up,) but his open hostility in Congress to the administration, leave no doubt of the state of his mind as a fact, although the cause be unknown. Be so good as to communicate my respects to Mr. Priestley, and to accept yourself my friendly salutations, and assurances of unaltered esteem.
TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR
Monticello, September 2, 1807.
Dear Sir,—My letter of August 28th, on the dispositions of the Indians, was to go the rounds of all our brethren, and to be finally sent to you with their separate opinions. I think it probable, therefore, that the enclosed extract of a letter from a priest at Detroit to Bishop Carroll, may reach you as soon, or sooner, than that. I therefore forward it, because it throws rather a different light on the dispositions of the Indians from that given by Hull and Dunham. I do not think, however, that it ought to slacken our operations, because those proposed are all precautionary. But it ought absolutely to stop our negotiations for land otherwise the Indians will think that these preparations are meant to intimidate them into a sale of their lands, an idea which would be most pernicious, and would poison all our professions of friendship to them. The immediate acquisition of the land is of less consequence to us than their friendship and a thorough confidence in our justice. We had better let the purchase lie till they are in better temper. I salute you with affection and respect.
TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY
Monticello, September 3.
Dear Sir,—Your letters of August 23d, 27th, 29th, and 30th, have all been received; the two last came yesterday. I observe that the merchants of New York and Philadelphia think that notice of our present crisis with England should be sent to the Straits of Sunda by a public ship, but that such a vessel going to Calcutta, or into the Bay of Bengal, would give injurious alarm; while those of Baltimore think such a vessel going to the Straits of Sunda would have the same effect. Your proposition, very happily in my opinion, avoids the objections of all parties; will do what some think useful and none think injurious. I therefore approve of it. To wit, that by some of the private vessels now going, instruction from the department of State be sent to our Consul at the Isle of France, to take proper measures to advise all our returning vessels, as far as he can, to be on their guard against the English, and that we now appoint and send a Consul to Batavia, to give the same notice to our vessels returning through the Straits of Sunda. For this purpose I sign a blank sheet of paper, over which signature the Secretary of State will have a consular commission written, leaving a blank for the name to be filled up by yourself with the name of such discreet and proper person as shall be willing to go. If he does not mean to reside there as Consul, we must bear his expenses out and in, and compensate his time. I presume you will receive this commission, and the papers you sent me through the Secretary of State, on the 8th.
I approve of the orders you gave for intercepting the pirates, and that they were given as the occasion required, without waiting to consult me, which would have defeated the object. I am very glad indeed that the piratical vessel and some of the crew have been taken, and hope the whole will be taken; and that this has been done by the militia. It will contribute to show the expediency of an organized naval militia.
I send you the extract of a letter I lately wrote to General Dearborne on the defence of the Chesapeake. Your situation will better enable you to make inquiries into the practicability of the plan than he can. If practicable, it is all-important.
I do not see the probability of receiving from Great Britain reparation for the wrong committed on the Chesapeake, and future security for our seamen, in the same favorable light with Mr. Gallatin and yourself. If indeed the consequence of the battle of Friedland can be to exclude her from the Baltic, she may temporize with us. But if peace among the continental powers of Europe should leave her free in her intercourse with the powers who will then be neutral, the present ministry, perhaps no ministry which can now be formed, will not in my opinion give us the necessary assurance respecting our flag. In that case, it must bring on a war soon, and if so, it can never be in a better time for us. I look to this, therefore, as most probably now to take place, although I do most sincerely wish that a just and sufficient security may be given us, and such an interruption of our property avoided. I salute you with affection and respect.
TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE
Monticello, September 3, 1807.
Dear Sir,—Mr. Smith's letter of August 29th and the papers it enclosed, and which are now re-enclosed, will explain to you the necessity of my confirming his proposition as to the means of apprizing our East India commerce of their danger, without waiting for further opinions on the subject. You will see that it throws on you the immediate burden of giving the necessary instructions with as little delay as possible, lest the occasion by the vessels now sailing should be lost. Be so good as to return me his two letters, and to seal and forward on to him mine, and the other papers. Affectionate salutations.
TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE
Monticello, September 3, 1807.
Dear Sir,—After writing to Mr. Smith my letter of yesterday, by the post of that day, I received one from him now enclosed, and covering a letter from Mr. Crownenshield on the subject of notifying our East India trade. To this I have written the answer herein, which I have left open for your perusal, with Crownenshield's letter, praying that you will seal and forward them immediately, with any considerations of your own, addressed to Mr. Smith, which may aid him in the decision I refer to him. I do not give to the newspaper and parliamentary scraps the same importance you do. I think they all refer to the convention of limits sent us in the form of a project, brought forward only as a sop of the moment for Parliament and the public. Nothing but an exclusion of Great Britain from the Baltic will dispose her to peace with us, and to defer her policy of subsisting her navy by the general plunder of nations.
TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY
Washington, September 4, 1807.
Dear Sir,—I had written to you yesterday on the subject of notifying our East India trade, in answer to yours of the 29th of August, and approving your proposition of giving the notice to our trade beyond the Straits of Sunda, by a consul specially sent to Batavia, and to that on this side by our consul at the Isle of France. Since writing that letter, I have received yours of the 31st, covering Mr. Crownenshield's. This letter shows a great and intimate knowledge of the subject, and points out so many various circumstances which may require a variation in the course to be pursued, that it confirms me in the opinion that it must be confided to the discretion of a well-chosen agent, governing himself by circumstances as they may occur. I think it possible, however, from Mr. Crownenshield's letter, that we may not have done the best in our power for notifying Madras, and the other ports in the bay of Bengal. I refer it to yourself, therefore, to decide on the advice you can so readily get at Baltimore, whether we should not despatch a third person, with instructions to procure himself a passage in any private vessel which may be going from this country to any port in the bay of Bengal, or to any other port from which he can probably get a passage to some port in the bay of Bengal, and from whence he can notify the other ports in the same bay, either by personally visiting them or by writing. Such a person should carry with him your commission as an agent of the navy, to obtain credence by secretly exhibiting that to those he should notify. I return you Mr. Crownenshield's and Mr. Gallatin's letters. I shall be absent from this place from the 9th to the 16th inst. Mr. Madison will be with me to-morrow, on a visit of some days. I salute you with affection and respect.
TO GEORGE HAY
Monticello, September 4, 1807.
Dear Sir,—Yours of the 1st came to hand yesterday. The event has been * * * * * that is to say, not only to clear Burr, but to prevent the evidence from ever going before the world. But this latter case must not take place. It is now, therefore, more than ever indispensable, that not a single witness be paid or permitted to depart until his testimony has been committed to writing, either as delivered in court, or as taken by yourself in the presence of any of Burr's counsel, who may choose to attend to cross-examine. These whole proceedings will be laid before Congress, that they may decide, whether the defect has been in the evidence of guilt, or in the law, or in the application of the law, and that they may provide the proper remedy for the past and the future. I must pray you also to have an authentic copy of the record made out (without saying for what) and to send it to me; if the Judge's opinions make out a part of it, then I must ask a copy of them, either under his hand, if he delivers one signed, or duly proved by affidavit.
The criminal is preserved to become the rallying point of all the disaffected and the worthless of the United States, and to be the pivot on which all the intrigues and the conspiracies which foreign governments may wish to disturb us with, are to turn. If he is convicted of the misdemeanor, the Judge must in decency give us respite by some short confinement of him; but we must expect it to be very short. Be assured yourself, and communicate the same assurance to your colleagues, that your and their zeal and abilities have been displayed in this affair to my entire satisfaction and your own honor.
I salute you with great esteem and respect.
TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR
Monticello, September 6, 1807.
Dear Sir,—I enclose you the letters of Mr. Granger and Mr. J. Nicholas, by the latter of which you will see that an Indian rupture in the neighborhood of Detroit becomes more probable, if it has not already taken place. I see in it no cause for changing the opinion given in mine of August 28, but on the contrary, strong reason for hastening the measures therein recommended. We must make ever memorable examples of the tribe or tribes which shall have taken up the hatchet.
I salute you with affection and respect.
TO THOMAS PAINE
Monticello, September 6, 1807.
Dear Sir,—I received last night your favor of August 29, and with it a model of a contrivance for making one gun-boat do nearly double execution. It has all the ingenuity and simplicity which generally mark your inventions. I am not nautical enough to judge whether two guns may be too heavy for the bow of a gun-boat, or whether any other objection will countervail the advantage it offers, and which I see visibly enough. I send it this day to the Secretary of the Navy, within whose department it lies to try and to judge it. Believing, myself, that gun-boats are the only water defence which can be useful to us, and protect us from the ruinous folly of a navy, I am pleased with everything which promises to improve them.
The battle of Friedland, armistice with Russia, conquest of Prussia, will be working on the British stomach when they will receive information of the outrage they have committed on us. Yet, having entered on the policy proposed by their champion "war in disguise," of making the property of all nations lawful plunder to support a navy which their own resources cannot support, I doubt if they will readily relinquish it. That war with us had been predetermined may be fairly inferred from the diction of Berkley's order, the Jesuitism of which proves it ministerial from its being so timed as to find us in the midst of Burr's rebellion as they expected, from the contemporaneousness of the Indian excitements, and of the wide and sudden spread of their maritime spoliations. I salute you with great esteem and respect.
