Томас Джефферсон
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 5 (of 9)
TO MR. SMITH
January 14, 1808.
I return you Chauncey's letter. I am sorry to see the seamen working for rations only, and that we cannot allow even them. And further, indeed, that we shall be under the necessity of discharging a number of those we have. This is so serious a question that I propose to call a consultation on it a day or two hence. Our sixty-four gun-boats and ketches may certainly be reduced to ten seamen each, at least I have at various times had the opinions of nearly all our naval captains, that from eight to ten men are sufficient to keep a gun-boat clean and in order, to navigate her in harbor, and to look out of it. This would give us a reduction of about four hundred men. But even this will not bring it within the estimate. However, what is to be done, is the question on which I shall propose a consultation. I send you a letter of a Mr. Walton, of Baltimore, for perusal, merely as it suggests ideas worth looking at. I confess, I think our naval militia plan, both as to name and structure, better for us than the English plan of seafencibles.
I ought to be in possession of a former letter from the same person, but not finding it among my papers, am induced to ask whether I sent it to you? Affectionate salutations.
TO MR. SMITH
January 15, 1808.
To the letter from Mr. Davy, of the committee of the chamber of commerce, of Philadelphia, (which I now return you,) I think you may say in answer, that you had communicated it to the President, and were authorized to say that the Government of the United States have no present views of forming new harbors for the reception of their vessels of war: that under the authority, and with the means, lately given by the Legislature to the executive, it is intended to furnish means of defence, by land and water, to the several harbors of the United States, in proportion to their importance and local circumstances: that all the points to be defended are not yet definitively decided on; but that in reviewing them, the harbor proposed by the chamber of commerce, to be formed near Lewistown, will be considered, and will have a just participation in the provisions for protection, in the first place according to its present circumstances, and hereafter according to any new importance which shall have been given it by being made a place of greater resort for merchant vessels. Affectionate salutations.
TO MR. J. DORSEY
Washington, January 21, 1808.
Sir,—I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of December 20th, and am much pleased to find our progress in manufactures to be so great. That of cotton is peculiarly interesting, because we raise the raw material in such abundance, and because it may, to a great degree, supply our deficiencies both in wool and linen. A former application on behalf of Messrs. Binney & Robertson, was delivered to the Secretary of State, who will engage General Armstrong to aid such measures as they may take in Paris for obtaining permission to draw supplies of Antimony from thence.
It will give me real pleasure to see some good system of measures and weights introduced and combined with the decimal arithmetic. It is a great and difficult question whether to venture only on a half reformation, which by presenting fewer innovations, may be more easily adopted, or, as the French have tried with success, make a radical reform. Your plan presents as few innovations as any I have seen; but I think your foot should refer to the pendulum, by saying, for instance, that the foot shall be a measure which shall be to the second pendulum as 1 to 3,267; or rather as 1 to the length of a pendulum vibrating seconds in latitude 45°. This offers a standard in every place, because it can everywhere be found. The rod you propose is only to be found in Philadelphia. You say in your letter that "if the decimal mode obtain in the division of the pound, the Troy and it, as regards the Troy grain, would be the same." I do not understand this; because the Avoirdupois pound containing 7,000 Troy grains, I do not see how any decimal subdivision of the pound could coincide with the Troy grain. However, I shall be very glad to see adopted whatever measure is most promising. I salute you with esteem and respect.
TO THE REV. MR. MILLAR
Washington, January 23, 1808.
Sir,—I have duly received your favor of the 18th, and am thankful to you for having written it, because it is more agreeable to prevent than to refuse what I do not think myself authorized to comply with. I consider the government of the United States as interdicted by the Constitution from intermeddling with religious institutions, their doctrines, discipline, or exercises. This results not only from the provision that no law shall be made respecting the establishment or free exercise of religion, but from that also which reserves to the States the powers not delegated to the United States. Certainly, no power to prescribe any religious exercise, or to assume authority in religious discipline, has been delegated to the General Government. It must then rest with the States, as far as it can be in any human authority. But it is only proposed that I should recommend, not prescribe a day of fasting and prayer. That is, that I should indirectly assume to the United States an authority over religious exercises, which the Constitution has directly precluded them from. It must be meant, too, that this recommendation is to carry some authority, and to be sanctioned by some penalty on those who disregard it; not indeed of fine and imprisonment, but of some degree of proscription, perhaps in public opinion. And does the change in the nature of the penalty make the recommendation less a law of conduct for those to whom it is directed? I do not believe it is for the interest of religion to invite the civil magistrate to direct its exercises, its discipline, or its doctrines; nor of the religious societies, that the General Government should be invested with the power of effecting any uniformity of time or matter among them. Fasting and prayer are religious exercises; the enjoining them an act of discipline. Every religious society has a right to determine for itself the times for these exercises, and the objects proper for them, according to their own particular tenets; and this right can never be safer than in their own hands, where the Constitution has deposited it.
I am aware that the practice of my predecessors may be quoted. But I have ever believed, that the example of State executives led to the assumption of that authority by the General Government, without due examination, which would have discovered that what might be a right in a State government, was a violation of that right when assumed by another. Be this as it may, every one must act according to the dictates of his own reason, and mine tells me that civil powers alone have been given to the President of the United States, and no authority to direct the religious exercises of his constituents.
I again express my satisfaction that you have been so good as to give me an opportunity of explaining myself in a private letter, in which I could give my reasons more in detail than might have been done in a public answer; and I pray you to accept the assurances of my high esteem and respect.
TO MR. BARLOW
January 24, 1808.
Thomas Jefferson returns thanks to Mr. Barlow for the copy of the Columbiad he has been so kind as to send him; the eye discovers at once the excellence of the mechanical execution of the work, and he is persuaded that the mental part will be found to have merited it. He will not do it the injustice of giving it such a reading as his situation here would admit, of a few minutes at a time, and at intervals of many days. He will reserve it for that retirement after which he is panting, and not now very distant, where he may enjoy it in full concert with its kindred scenes, amidst those rural delights which join in chorus with the poet, and give to his song all its magic effect. He salutes Mr. Barlow with friendship and respect.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR TOMKINS
Washington, January 26, 1808.
Sir,—I take the liberty of enclosing to you the copy of an application which I have received from a portion of the citizens of the State of New York, residing on the river St. Lawrence and Lake Ontario, setting forth their very defenceless situation for the want of arms, and praying to be furnished from the magazines of the United States. Similar applications from other parts of our frontier in every direction have sufficiently shown that did the laws permit such a disposition of the arms of the United States, their magazines would be completely exhausted, and nothing would remain for actual war. But it is only when troops take the field, that the arms of the United States can be delivered to them. For the ordinary safety of the citizens of the several States, whether against dangers within or without, their reliance must be on the means to be provided by their respective States. Under these circumstances I have thought it my duty to transmit to you the representation received, not doubting that you will have done for the safety of our fellow citizens, on a part of our frontier so interesting and so much exposed, what their situation requires, and the means under your control may permit.
Should our present differences be amicably settled, it will be a question for consideration whether we should not establish a strong post on the St. Lawrence, as near our northern boundary as a good position can be found. To do this at present would only produce a greater accumulation of hostile force in that quarter. I pray you to accept the assurances of my high respect and esteem.
TO JACOB J. BROWN, ESQ
Washington, January 27, 1808.
Sir,—The representation of the county of Jefferson, in New York, of which you are chairman, stating their want of arms, and asking a supply, has been duly received and considered. I learn with great concern that a portion of our frontier so interesting, so important, and so exposed, should be so entirely unprovided with common fire-arms. I did not suppose any part of the United States so destitute of what is considered as among the first necessaries of a farm-house. This circumstance gives me the more concern as the laws of the United States do not permit their arms to be delivered from the magazines but to troops actually taking the field; and, indeed, were the inhabitants on the whole of our frontier, of so many thousands of miles, to be furnished from our magazines, little would be left in them for actual war. For the ordinary safety of the citizens of the several States, whether against dangers from within or without, reliance has been placed either on the domestic means of the individuals, or on those provided by the respective States. What those means are in the State of New York, I am not informed; but I have transmitted your representation to Governor Tomkins, with an earnest recommendation of it to his attention; and I have no doubt that his solicitude for the welfare and safety of a portion so eminently exposed of those under his immediate care, will ensure to you whatever his authority and his means will permit.
That an attack should be made on you by your neighbors, while the state of peace continues, cannot be supposed; nor is it certain that that condition of things will be interrupted. Should, however, war take place, if first declared by us, your safety will of course have been previously provided for: if by the other party, it cannot be before the measures now in preparation will be in readiness to secure you. Should our present differences be amicably settled, a new post on the St. Lawrence, as near our northern boundary as a good position can be found, will be worthy of consideration. At present it would only produce a greater accumulation of hostile force in your neighborhood, and if we should have war, it would soon become unimportant.
On the whole, while I am in hopes that your State will provide by the loan of arms, for your immediate safety and confidence, you may be assured that such measures shall be in readiness, and in reach, on the part of the General Government, as aided by your own efforts, will effectually secure you from the dangers you apprehend.
I cannot conclude without expressing to you the satisfaction with which I have received the patriotic assurance of your best services, should they be needed in your country's cause. They are worthy of the citizens of a free country, who know and properly estimate the value of self-government, and are the more acceptable as from a quarter where they will be most important.
I beg leave to assure yourself, and through you the committee, of my great consideration and respect.
TO MR. JACOB BROWN
Washington, January 27, 1808.
Sir,—The substance of the enclosed letter, so far as is necessary for the satisfaction of our fellow citizens, should be communicated to them. But the letter itself should not be published, nor be permitted to be copied. Because the source from which it comes will occasion every word of it to be weighed by your neighbors on the opposite shore, and every inference to be drawn of which it is susceptible. To aid their information as to our views, would give them an advantage to our own prejudice. I salute you with respect.
TO MR. TIFFIN
January 30, 1808.
Thomas Jefferson returns the enclosed to Mr. Tiffin with his thanks for the communication. He cannot foresee what shape Burr's machinations will take next. If we have war with Spain, he will become a Spanish General. If with England, he will go to Canada and be employed there. Internal convulsion may be attempted if no game more hopeful offers. But it will be a difficult one, and the more so as having once failed.
TO WILLIAM M'INTOSH
Washington, January 30, 1808.
Sir,—I received some days ago your letter of December 15th, covering a copy of the resolutions of the French inhabitants of Vincennes of September 18th, in answer to the address of Governor Harrison, who had, in the month of October, forwarded me a copy of the same. In his letter enclosing it he assured me that his address to them on the subject of our differences with England was merely monitory, putting them on their guard against insinuations from any agents of that country, who might find their way among them, and containing no expression, which if truly explained to them, should have conveyed the least doubt of his confidence in their fidelity to the United States. I had hoped therefore that the uneasiness expressed in their resolutions had been done away by subsequent explanations, as I have no reason to believe any such distrust existed in the Governor's mind. I can assure them that he never expressed such a sentiment in any of his communications to me, but that whenever he has had occasion to speak of them, it has been in terms of entire approbation and attachment. In my own mind certainly no doubts of their fidelity have ever been excited or existed. Having been the Governor of Virginia when Vincennes and the other French settlements of that quarter surrendered to the arms of that State, twenty-eight years ago, I have had a particular knowledge of their character as long perhaps as any person in the United States, and in the various relations in which I have been placed with them by the several offices I have since held, that knowledge has been kept up. And to their great honor I can say that I have ever considered them as sober, honest, and orderly citizens, submissive to the laws, and faithful to the nation of which they are a part. And should occasion arise of proving their fidelity in the cause of their country, I count on their aid with as perfect assurance as on that of any other part of the United States. In return for this confidence, and as an additional proof on their part that it is not misplaced, I ask of them a return to a perfect good understanding with their Governor, and to that respect for those in authority over them, which has hitherto so honorably marked their character. As to myself they may be assured that my confidence in them is undiminished, and that nothing will be wanting on the part of the general government to secure them in the full participation of all the rights civil and religious which are enjoyed by their fellow citizens in the Union at large.
I beg leave through you to salute them, as well as yourself, with affection and respect.
TO GOVERNOR HARRISON
Washington, January 31, 1808.
Dear Sir,—I duly received your letter of October 10th, covering the resolutions of the French inhabitants of Vincennes, and had hoped that their uneasiness under your supposed want of confidence in them had subsided. But a letter lately received from their chairman, covering another copy of the same resolutions, induces me to answer them, in order to quiet all further uneasiness. I enclose you my answer, open for your perusal, and will thank you to seal and deliver it. I have expressed to them the opinion I have long entertained of the ancient Canadian French, on a long course of information, and as it is favorable to them, I trust it will be soothing, and restore those good dispositions which will ease the execution of your duties, and tend to produce that union which the present crisis calls for.
Russia and Portugal have cut off all intercourse with England; their ambassadors re-called, and war follows of course. Our difficulties with her are great, nor can it yet be seen how they will terminate.
Accept my salutations, and assurances of great respect and esteem.
TO MR. GALLATIN
February 8, 1808.
In questions like the present, important neither in principle nor amount, I think the collectors should decide for themselves, and especially as they, and they only, are the legally competent judges; for I believe the law makes them the judges of the security. If the indulgence proposed be within the intentions of the law, they can grant it; if it be not, we cannot. But it is the practice in all cases for the officer who is charged with the taking security, to be indulgent in a hard case, as where the person is a stranger, could he not take hypothecations of their vessels? although the law may not specially authorize this, yet the collector can take it as counter security for himself, and he can assign it to the government. Affectionate salutations.
TO MR. GALLATIN
February 10, 1808.
It would certainly be very desirable that our citizens should be able to draw home their property from beyond sea, and it is possible that Mr. Parish's proposition might be instrumental to that. But it would be too bold an extension of the views of the Legislature in the portion of discretion they have given us. They could not mean to give us so extensive a power of dispensation as would result from the duty of giving special licenses to merchants, and such a power, guided by no Legislative regulations, would be liable to great abuse, and greater complaints of it. I see therefore, neither justification nor safety in leaving the ground we have taken, of confining the discretionary power given us to the public correspondence and public interests. If the drawing this mass of specie here could be any way connected with any direct public operation, the danger of the precedent would be guarded against; but as it is presented to us, I think it inadmissible. Affectionate salutations.
TO MR. SMITH
February 14, 1808.
I believe we must employ some of our gun-boats to aid in the execution of the embargo law. Some British ships in the Delaware, one of them loaded with fifteen hundred barrels of flour for Jamaica, another armed as a letter of marque, openly mean to go out by force. The last is too strong for the revenue cutters. Mr. Brice also, of Baltimore, asks armed assistance. I see nothing at present to prevent our sparing a couple of gun-boats from New York to go into the Delaware, and a couple from Norfolk to come up to the head of the Bay. Will this interfere with more important duties? Affectionate salutations.
