Томас Джефферсон
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 5 (of 9)
TO MR. GALLATIN
Washington, December 29, 1807.
It is impossible to detest more than I do the fraudulent and injurious practice of covering foreign vessels and cargoes under the American flag; and I sincerely wish a systematic and severe course of punishment could be established. It is only as a punishment of this fraud, that we could deny to the Portuguese vessel the liberty of departing. But I do not know that a solitary and accidental instance of punishment would have any effect. The vessel is bonâ fide Portuguese, the crew Portuguese, loaded with provisions for Portugal, an unoffending and friendly country, to whom we wish no ill. I have not sufficiently considered the embargo act, to say how far the executive is at liberty to decide on these cases. But if we are free to do it, I should be much disposed to take back her American papers, and let her go, especially on giving bond and security to land the cargo in Portugal, dangers of the sea and superior force excepted. Perhaps it would be proper to require the captain to give up also his certificate of citizenship, which is also merely fraudulent, has been the ground of fraudulent conversion, and may be used on the voyage as a fraudulent cover to the cargo. Affectionate salutations.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, ESQ
Washington, January 3, 1808.
Dear Sir,—Your favor of December 20th has been received. The copy of the late volume of Agricultural Proceedings is not yet at hand, but will probably come safe. I had formerly received the preceding volumes from your kindness, as you supposed. Writings on this subject are peculiarly pleasing to me, for, as they tell us, we are sprung from the earth, so to that we naturally return. It is now among my most fervent longings to be on my farm, which, with a garden and fruitery, will constitute my principal occupation in retirement. I have lately received the proceedings of the Agricultural Society of Paris. They are proceeding with enthusiasm and understanding. I have been surprised to find that the rotation of crops and substitution of some profitable growth preparatory for grain, instead of the useless and expensive fallow, is yet only dawning among them. The society has lately re-published Oliver de Serres' Theatre d'Agriculture, in 2 vols. 4to, although written in the reign of * * * * * . It is the finest body of agriculture extant, and especially as improved by voluminous notes, which bring its process to the present day. I lately received from Colonel Few in New York, a bottle of the oil of Beni, believed to be a sesamum. I did not believe there existed so perfect a substitute for olive oil. Like that of Florence, it has no taste, and is perhaps rather more limpid. A bushel of seed yields three gallons of oil; and Governor Milledge, of Georgia, says the plant will grow wherever the Palmi Christi will. It is worth your attention, and you can probably get seed from Colonel Few. We are in hourly expectation of Mr. Rose here, in the hope of seeing what turn our differences with that nation are to take. As yet all is doubtful. Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and respect.
TO DOCTOR RUSH
Washington, January 3, 1808.
Dear Sir,—Dr. Waterhouse has been appointed to the Marine Hospital of Boston, as you wished. It was a just though small return for his merit, in introducing the vaccination earlier than we should have had it. His appointment there makes some noise there and here, being unacceptable to some; but I believe that schismatic divisions in the medical fraternity are at the bottom of it. My usage is to make the best appointment my information and judgment enable me to do, and then fold myself up in the mantle of conscience, and abide unmoved the peltings of the storm. And oh! for the day when I shall be withdrawn from it; when I shall have leisure to enjoy my family, my friends, my farm and books!
In the ensuing autumn, I shall be sending on to Philadelphia a grandson of about fifteen years of age, to whom I shall ask your friendly attentions. Without that bright fancy which captivates, I am in hopes he possesses sound judgment and much observation; and, what I value more than all things, good humor. For thus I estimate the qualities of the mind; 1, good humor, 2, integrity; 3, industry; 4, science. The preference of the first to the second quality may not at first be acquiesced in; but certainly we had all rather associate with a good-humored, light-principled man, than with an ill tempered rigorist in morality.
We are here in hourly expectation of seeing Mr. Rose, and of knowing what turn his mission is to give to our present differences. The embargo is salutary. It postpones war, gives time and the benefits of events which that may produce; particularly that of peace in Europe, which will postpone the causes of difference to the next war. I salute you with great affection and respect.
TO JOHN TAYLOR, ESQ
Washington, January 6, 1808.
Dear Sir,—Your ingenious friend, Mr. Martin, formerly made for me a drill of very fine construction. I am now very desirous of sending one of them to the Agricultural Society of Paris, with whom I am in correspondence, and who are sending me a plough supposed to be of the best construction ever known. On trial with their best ploughs, by a dynamometer, it is drawn by from one-half to two-thirds of the force requisite to their best former ploughs. Will you be so good as to get Mr. Martin to make me one of his best drills, sparing no pains to make the workmanship worthy of the object, to pack it in a box, and contrive it for me to Fredericksburg. The cost shall be remitted him as soon as known. I see by the agricultural transactions of the Paris Society, they are cultivating the Jerusalem artichoke for feeding their animals. They make 10,000 lb. to the acre, which they say is three times as much as they generally make of the potatoe. The African Negroes brought over to Georgia a seed which they called benn, and the botanists sesamum. I lately received a bottle of the oil, which was eaten with sallad by various companies. All agree it is equal to the olive oil. A bushel of seed yields three gallons of oil. I propose to cultivate it for my own use at least. The embargo keeping at home our vessels, cargoes and seamen, saves us the necessity of making their capture the cause of immediate war; for, if going to England, France had determined to take them, if to any other place, England was to take them. Till they return to some sense of moral duty, therefore, we keep within ourselves. This gives time. Time may produce peace in Europe; peace in Europe removes all causes of difference, till another European war; and by that time our debt may be paid, our revenues clear, and our strength increased.
I salute you with great friendship and respect.
TO MR. GALLATIN
January 7, 1808.
I think with you that the establishment of posts of delivery at Green Bay and Chicago, would only furnish pretexts for not entering at Mackinac; and that a new post at the falls of St. Mary's, requiring a military post to be established there, would not quit cost, nor is this a time to be multiplying small establishments.
The collector should have his eye on the schooner Friends on her return, and though proof may be difficult, harass them with a prosecution.
I see nothing in the case of the Swedish captain which can produce doubt. The law is plain that a foreign vessel may go with the load she had on board and no more. The exception as to vessels under the President's direction, can only be meant to embrace governmental cases, such as advice vessels, such as permitting foreign seamen to be shipped to their own country.
With respect to the Four Brothers, I know not what can be done, unless the amendatory law would authorize the collector to detain on circumstances of strong suspicion, until he can refer the case here, and give a power to detain finally on such grounds.
Have you thought of the Indian drawback? The Indians can be kept in order only by commerce or war. The former is the cheapest. Unless we can induce individuals to employ their capital in that trade, it will require an enormous sum of capital from the public treasury, and it will be badly managed. A drawback for four or five years is the cheapest way of getting that business off our hands. Affectionate salutations.
TO MR. SMITH
January 7, 1808.
Proceeding as we are to an extensive construction of gun-boats, there are many circumstances to be considered and agreed on, viz.:
1. How many shall we build? for the debate lately published proves clearly it was not expected we should build the whole number proposed.
2. Of what size, and how many of each size?
3. What weight of metal shall each size carry? shall carronades be added?
4. Is it not best, as they will not be seasoned, to leave them unsealed awhile?
5. Where shall they be built, and when required to be in readiness?
6. As a small proportion only will be kept afloat, in time of peace, the safe and convenient depositories for those laid up should be inquired into and agreed on, and sheds erected under which they may be covered from the sun and rain.
7. To economize the navy funds of the ensuing year, we should determine how many of the boats now in service ought to be kept in each, and for how many we will depend on the seaport in case of attack.
The first of these subjects may require a general consultation, and perhaps the 7th also. The others are matters of detail which may be determined on between you and myself. I shall be ready to consult with you on them at your convenience. Affectionate salutations.
TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR
Washington, January 8, 1808.
Dear Sir,—Your letter of December 29th brings to my mind a subject which never has presented itself but with great pain, that of your withdrawing from the administration, before I withdraw myself. It would have been to me the greatest of consolations to have gone through my term with the same coadjutors, and to have shared with them the merit, or demerit, of whatever good or evil we may have done. The integrity, attention, skill, and economy with which you have conducted your department, have given me the most complete and unqualified satisfaction, and this testimony I bear to it with all the sincerity of truth and friendship; and should a war come on, there is no person in the United States to whose management and care I could commit it with equal confidence. That you as well as myself, and all our brethren, have maligners, who from ill-temper, or disappointment, seek opportunities of venting their angry passions against us, is well known, and too well understood by our constituents to be regarded. No man who can succeed you will have fewer, nor will any one enjoy a more extensive confidence through the nation. Finding that I could not retain you to the end of my term, I had wished to protract your stay, till I could with propriety devolve on another the naming of your successor. But this probably could not be done till about the time of our separation in July. Your continuance however, till after the end of the session, will relieve me from the necessity of any nomination during the session, and will leave me only a chasm of two or three months over which I must hobble as well as I can. My greatest difficulty will arise from the carrying on the system of defensive works we propose to erect. That these should have been fairly under way, and in a course of execution, under your direction, would have peculiarly relieved me; because we concur so exactly in the scale on which they are to be executed. Unacquainted with the details myself, I fear that when you are gone, aided only by your chief clerk, I shall be assailed with schemes of improvement and alterations which I shall be embarrassed to pronounce on, or withstand, and incur augmentations of expense, which I shall not know how to control. I speak of the interval between the close of this session, when you propose to retire, and the commencement of our usual recess in July. Because during that recess, we are in the habit of leaving things to the chief clerks; and, by the end of it, my successor may be pretty well known, and prevailed on to name yours. However, I am so much relieved by your ekeing out your continuance to the end of the session, that I feel myself bound to consult your inclinations then, and to take on myself the difficulties of the short period then ensuing. In public or in private, and in all situations, I shall retain for you the most cordial esteem, and satisfactory recollections of the harmony and friendship with which we have run our race together; and I pray you now to accept sincere assurances of it, and of my great respect and attachment.
TO MESSRS. MAESE, LEYBERT AND DICKERSON, OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY
Washington, January 9, 1808.
Gentlemen,—I duly received your favor of the 1st instant, informing me that at an election of officers of the American Philosophical Society, held at their hall on that day, they were pleased unanimously to elect me as their President for the ensuing year. I repeat, with great sensibility, my thanks to the Society for these continued proofs of their good will, and my constant regret that distance and other duties deny me the pleasure of performing at their meetings the functions assigned to me, and of enjoying an intercourse with them which of all others would be the most gratifying to me. Thus circumstanced I can only renew assurances of my devotion to the objects of the Institution, and that I shall avail myself with peculiar pleasure of every occasion which may occur of promoting them, and of being useful to the Society.
I beg leave through you, Gentlemen, to present them the homage of my dutiful respects, and that you will accept yourselves, the assurances of my high consideration and esteem.
TO MR. GALLATIN
January 10, 1808.
I find Bastrop's case less difficult than I had expected. My view of it is this: The Governor of Louisiana being desirous of introducing the culture of wheat into that province, engages Bastrop as an agent for carrying that object into effect. He agrees to lay off twelve leagues square on the Washita and Bayou liard, as a settlement for the culture of wheat, to which Bastrop is to bring five hundred families, each of which families is to have four hundred arpens of the land; the residue of the twelve leagues square, we may understand, was to be Bastrop's premium. The government was to bear the expenses of bringing these emigrants from New Madrid, and was to allow them rations for six months,—Bastrop undertaking to provide the rations, and the government paying a real and a half for each.
Bastrop binds himself to settle the five hundred families in three years, and the Governor especially declares that if within that time the major part of the establishment shall not have been made good, the twelve leagues square, destined for Bastrop's settlers, shall be occupied by the families first presenting themselves for that purpose. Bastrop brings on some settlers,—how many does not appear, and the Intendant, from a want of funds, suspends further proceeding in the settlement until the King's decision. [His decision of what? Doubtless whether the settlement shall proceed on these terms, and the funds be furnished by the king? or shall be abandoned?] He promises Bastrop, at the same time, that the former limitation of three years shall be extended to two years, after the course of the contract shall have again commenced to be executed, and the determination of the King shall be made known to Bastrop. Here, then, is a complete suspension of the undertaking until the King's decision, and his silence from that time till, and when, he ceded the province, must be considered as an abandonment of the project.
There are several circumstances in this case offering ground for question, whether Bastrop is entitled to any surplus of the lands. But this will be an investigation for the Attorney General. But the uttermost he can claim is a surplus proportioned to the number of families he settled, that is to say, a quota of land bearing such a proportion to the number of families he settled, (deducting four hundred arpens for each of them,) as one hundred and forty-four square leagues bear to the whole number of five hundred families. The important fact therefore to be settled, is the number of families he established there before the suspension.
The Marquis du Maison Rouge (under whom Mr. Clarke claims) was to have thirty square leagues on the Washita, for settling thirty families, none of them to be Americans. The lands were located and appropriated under the terms and conditions stipulated and contracted for by the said Marquis. What these were we are not told. The grantee must prove his grant by producing it. That will prove what the conditions were, and then he must prove these conditions performed.
Livingston's argument does not establish the fact that the lands between the staked line and the river, (if they belonged to the Jesuits,) were conveyed to Gravier.
It is impossible to consider the indulgence to the Apelousas as anything more than a voluntary permission from the government to use the timber on the ungranted lands, until they should be granted to others. It could never be intended to keep that country forever unsettled, as appears by expressly reserving the right of soil. But I think we should continue the permission until we sell the lands.
These opinions are, of course, not to be considered as decisions, (for that is not my province,) but as general ideas of the rights of the United States, to be kept in view on the settlement.
The appropriation of the lots in New Orleans must certainly be suspended, until we get the supplementary information promised. Affectionate salutations.
TO WILLIAM WIRT, ESQ
Washington, January 10, 1808.
Dear Sir,—I pray you that this letter may be sacredly secret, because it meddles in a line wherein I should myself think it wrong to intermeddle, were it not that it looks to a period when I shall be out of office, but others might think it wrong notwithstanding that circumstance. I suspected, from your desire to go into the army, that you disliked your profession, notwithstanding that your prospects in it were inferior to none in the State. Still I know that no profession is open to stronger antipathies than that of the law. The object of this letter, then, is to propose to you to come into Congress. That is the great commanding theatre of this nation, and the threshold to whatever department of office a man is qualified to enter. With your reputation, talents, and correct views, used with the necessary prudence, you will at once be placed at the head of the republican body in the House of Representatives; and after obtaining the standing which a little time will ensure you, you may look, at your own will, into the military, the judiciary, diplomatic, or other civil departments, with a certainty of being in either whatever you please. And in the present state of what may be called the eminent talents of our country, you may be assured of being engaged through life in the most honorable employments. If you come in at the next election, you will begin your course with a new administration. That administration will be opposed by a faction, small in numbers, but governed by no principle but the most envenomed malignity. They will endeavor to batter down the executive before it will have time, by its purity and correctness, to build up a confidence with the people, founded on experiment. By supporting them you will lay for yourself a broad foundation in the public confidence, and indeed you will become the Colossus of the republican government of your country. I will not say that public life is the line for making a fortune. But it furnishes a decent and honorable support, and places one's children on good grounds for public favor. The family of a beloved father will stand with the public on the most favorable ground of competition. Had General Washington left children, what would have been denied to them?
Perhaps I ought to apologize for the frankness of this communication. It proceeds from an ardent zeal to see this government (the idol of my soul) continue in good hands, and from a sincere desire to see you whatever you wish to be. To this apology I shall only add my friendly salutations, and assurances of sincere esteem and respect.
