Томас Джефферсон
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 3 (of 9)
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR MARTIN
Philadelphia, March 26, 1791.
Sir,—Having in charge to lay before Congress a general statement of all the lands subject to their disposal, it becomes necessary for me, so far as respects the proceedings of North Carolina, to draw on a map the line which forms the Eastern boundary of the cession of that State to Congress, and then to specify all the private claims within the cession, which form exceptions to their general right of granting the ceded territory. Three classes of these exceptions have been stated to me. First, the returns from Armstrong's office. Second, the claims of the officers of the North Carolina line of the lands reserved for them on the Cumberland. Third, a grant of twenty-five thousand acres to General Greene. I find myself under the necessity of troubling your Excellency to enable me to lay down with precision this dividing line, and then a precise specification and location of the three classes of exceptions before mentioned, and also, any other exceptions which you may know of. Besides that these things can be known only from your offices, I am induced to ask you to take the trouble from an assurance that you will be glad to assist in furnishing any information which may prevent the citizens of your State from being involved in litigations by a sale to others of lands to which they may have a just claim, and which would not be so sold, if their claims could be previously known. As I propose to set about this statement immediately, I shall consider it as a great personal obligation, if the measures which your Excellency may be pleased to take for my assistance, can be immediately executed, and the result communicated to me. I have the honor to be, with great esteem and respect, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
Philadelphia, March 27, 1791.
Sir,—I have been again to see Mr. Barclay on the subject of his mission, and to hasten him. I communicated to him the draught of his instructions, and he made an observation which may render a small change expedient. You know it has been concluded that he should go without any defined character, in order to save expense. He observed that if his character was undefined they would consider him as an Ambassador, and expect proportional liberalities, and he thought it best to fix his character to that of consul, which was the lowest that could be employed. Thinking that there is weight in his opinion, I have the honor to enclose you a blank commission for him as consul, and another letter to the Emperor, no otherwise different from that you signed, but as having a clause of credence in it. If you approve of this change, you will be so good as to sign these papers and return them; otherwise, the letter before signed will still suffice.
I enclose you a Massachusetts paper, whereby you will see that some acts of force have taken place on our eastern boundary. Probably that State will send us authentic information of them. The want of an accurate map of the Bay of Passamaquoddy renders it difficult to form a satisfactory opinion on the point in contest. I write to-day to Rufus Putnam to send me his survey referred to in his letters. There is a report that some acts of force have taken place on the northern boundary of New York, and are now under the consideration of the government of that State. The impossibility of bringing the court of London to an adjustment of any difference whatever, renders our situation perplexing. Should any applications from the States or their citizens be so urgent as to require something to be said before your return, my opinion would be that they should be desired to make no new settlements on our part, nor suffer any to be made on the part of the British, within the disputed territory; and if any attempt should be made to remove them from the settlements already made, that they are to repel force by force, and ask aid of the neighboring militia to do this and no more. I see no other safe way of forcing the British government to come forward themselves and demand an amicable settlement. If this idea meets your approbation, it may prevent a misconstruction by the British, of what may happen, should I have this idea suggested in a proper manner to Colonel Beckwith.
The experiments which have been tried of distilling sea-water with Isaacs' mixture, and also without it, have been rather in favor of the distillation without any mixture.
A bill was yesterday ordered to be brought into the House of Representatives here, for granting a sum of money for building a Federal Hall, house for the President, &c.
You knew of Mr. R. Morris' purchase of Gorham and Phelps of 1,300,000 acres of land of the State of Massachusetts, at 5d. an acre. It is said that he has sold 1,200,000 acres of these in Europe, through the agency of V. Franklin, who it seems went on this business conjointly with that of printing his grandfather's works. Mr. Morris, under the name of Ogden, and perhaps in partnership with him, has bought the residue of the lands held in the same country by Massachusetts, for £100,000. The Indian title of the former purchase has been extinguished by Gorham, but that of the latter is not. Perhaps it cannot be. In that case a similarity of interest will produce an alliance with the Yazoo companies. Perhaps a sale may be made in Europe to purchasers ignorant of the Indian right.
I shall be happy to hear that no accident has happened to you in the bad roads you have passed, and that you are better prepared for those to come by lowering the hang of your carriage, and exchanging the coachman for two postilions, circumstances which I confess to you appeared to me essential for your safety, for which no one on earth more sincerely prays, both from public and private regard, than he who has the honor to be, with sentiments of the most profound respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. LEWIS
Philadelphia, March 31, 1791.
The recess of Congress permits me now to resume the subject of my letter of August 12th, and to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of September 14th, November 25th, and January 1st. With respect to British debts and property it was thought possible then that they might come forward and discuss the interests and questions existing between the two nations, and as we know they would assail us on the subject of the treaty, without our previously knowing the particular State or States whose proceedings they would make the ground of complaint, we wished to be in a state of preparation on every point. I am therefore to thank you particularly for having furnished us the justifications of this Commonwealth in your letter of January 1st. With respect to the more general object of my letter, that of making a very complete collection of all the laws in force, or which were ever in force in the several States, we are now as to this State possessed of those from 1776 to 1790. I must still avail myself of your kind undertaking in your letters of September 14th and November 25th, to continue your attention to this acquisition till we can have the whole. Indeed, if you would order any bookseller to procure them according to such list as you should give him, it might greatly lessen your trouble, and he could deliver them himself at my office and receive there his pay. Whenever you shall be so good as to notify me of the cost of those already furnished, it shall be immediately reimbursed. I am sure you are sensible of the necessity of possessing at the seat of the General Government, a complete collection of all the laws of all the States, and hope you will perceive there were no persons so likely to make the collection judiciously as the Attorneys for the Districts, which must be the apology for the trouble which has been given you on this subject by him who has the honor to be, with great esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
Philadelphia, April 2, 1791.
I had the honor of addressing you on the 27th ult., since which letters are received of January 24th, from Mr. Carmichael, and of January 3d and 15th, Madrid, and February 6th, and 12th, Lisbon, from Colonel Humphreys. As these are interesting, and may tend to settle suspense of mind to a certain degree, I shall trouble you with quotations from some parts and the substance of others.
Colonel H. says, "I learn from other good authority, as well as from Mr. Carmichael, that all the representations of Gardoqui (when minister in America), tended to excite a belief that the most respectable and influential people throughout the United States did not wish to have the navigation of the Mississippi opened for years to come, from an apprehension such an event would weaken the government, and impoverish the Atlantic States by emigrations. It was even pretended that none but a handful of settlers on the Western waters, and a few inhabitants of the Southern States would acquiesce in the measure." This is the state of mind to which they have reverted since the crisis with England is passed, for during that, the Count de Florida Blanca threw out general assertions that we should have no reason to complain of their conduct with respect to the Mississippi, which gave rise to the report its navigation was opened. The following passages will be astonishing to you who recollect that there was not a syllable in your letters to Mr. G. M., which looked in the most distant manner to Spain. Mr. Carmichael says, "something, however, might have been done in a moment of projects and apprehension, had not a certain negotiation carried on, on our part, at London, transpired, and which I think was known here rather from British policy, than from the vigilance of the Marquis del Campo. Entirely unacquainted with this manœuvre, although in correspondence with the person employed, I was suspected to be in the secret. This suspicion banished confidence, which returns by slow degrees. This circumstance induced me to drop entirely my correspondence with G. M. To continue it would have done harm, and certainly could do no good. I have seen extracts of the President's letter communicated to the Duke of Leeds, perhaps mutilated or forged to serve here the views of the British cabinet. I do not yet despair of obtaining copies of those letters through the same channel that I procured the first account of the demands of G. B. and the signature of the late convention." Colonel Humphreys says, "the minister had intimations from del Campo of the conferences between Mr. Morris and the Duke of Leeds, which occasioned him to say with warmth to Mr. Carmichael, 'now is your time to make a treaty with England.' Fitzherbert availed himself of these conferences to create apprehensions that the Americans would aid his nation in case of war." Your genuine letter could have made no impression. The British court then must have forged one, to suit their purpose, and I think it will not be amiss to send a genuine copy to Carmichael, to place our faith on its just ground. The principal hope of doing anything now, is founded either on an expected removal of the Count de F. B. from the ministry, in which case persons will be employed who are more friendly to America, or to the bursting out of that fire which both gentlemen think but superficially covered. Mr. Carmichael justifies himself by the interception of his letters. He has shown the originals to Colonel H. He concludes his present letter with these words, "relying on the good opinion of me, that you have been pleased to express on many occasions, I intreat you to engage the President to permit me to return to my native country." Colonel Humphreys, on the subjects of his justification and return says, (after speaking of the persons likely to come into power,) "Mr. Carmichael being on terms of intimacy with the characters here, is certainly capable of effecting more at this court than any other American. He is heartily desirous of accomplishing the object in view at all events, and fully determined to return to America in twelve or eighteen months at farthest. He has expressed that intention repeatedly. To be invested with full powers, perhaps he would be able to do something before his departure from the continent." In his letter of January 15th, he says, "Mr. Carmichael's ideas are just: his exertions will be powerful and unremitting to obtain the accomplishment of our desires before his departure from this country. The task will now be difficult if not impracticable." In that of February 6th, he says, "Mr. Carmichael is much mortified that so many of his despatches have miscarried. By the original documents, which I have seen in his hands, I am convinced he has been extremely assiduous and successful in procuring early and authentic intelligence. It is difficult for a person at a distance to form an adequate judgment of the embarrassments to which a public man, situated as he was, is subjected, in making written communications, from such an inland place, and under such a jealous government. He appears disgusted with the country and the mode of life he is compelled to lead. He desires ardently to return to his native land; but he wishes to distinguish himself first by rendering some essential service to it if possible."
Governor Quesada, by order of his court, is inviting foreigners to go and settle in Florida. This is meant for our people. Debtors take advantage of it, and go off with their property. Our citizens have a right to go where they please. It is the business of the States to take measures to stop them till their debts are paid. This done, I wish a hundred thousand of our inhabitants would accept the invitation. It will be the means of delivering to us peaceably what may otherwise cost us a war. In the meantime, we may complain of this seduction of our inhabitants just enough to make them believe we think it very wise policy for them, and confirm them in it. This is my idea of it. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect respect and attachment, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MAJOR L'ENFANT
Philadelphia, April 10, 1791.
Sir,—I am favored with your letter of the 4th instant, and in compliance with your request, I have examined my papers, and found the plans of Frankfort-on-the-Mayne, Carlsruhe, Amsterdam, Strasburg, Paris, Orleans, Bordeaux, Lyons, Montpelier, Marseilles, Turin, and Milan, which I send in a roll by the post. They are on large and accurate scales, having been procured by me while in those respective cities myself. As they are connected with the notes I made in my travels, and often necessary to explain them to myself, I will beg your care of them, and to return them when no longer useful to you, leaving you absolutely free to keep them as long as useful. I am happy that the President has left the planning of the town in such good hands, and have no doubt it will be done to general satisfaction. Considering that the grounds to be reserved for the public are to be paid for by the acre, I think very liberal reservations should be made for them; and if this be about the Tyber and on the back of the town, it will be of no injury to the commerce of the place, which will undoubtedly establish itself on the deep waters towards the eastern branch and mouth of Rock Creek; the water about the mouth of the Tyber not being of any depth. Those connected with the government will prefer fixing themselves near the public grounds in the centre, which will also be convenient to be resorted to as walks from the lower and upper town. Having communicated to the President, before he went away, such general ideas on the subject of the town as occurred to me, I make no doubt that, in explaining himself to you on the subject, he has interwoven with his own ideas, such of mine as he approved. For fear of repeating therefore what he did not approve, and having more confidence in the unbiassed state of his mind, than in my own, I avoided interfering with what he may have expressed to you. Whenever it is proposed to prepare plans for the Capitol, I should prefer the adoption of some one of the models of antiquity, which have had the approbation of thousands of years; and for the President's house, I should prefer the celebrated fronts of modern buildings, which have already received the approbation of all good judges. Such are the Galerie du Louire, the Gardes meubles, and two fronts of the Hotel de Salm. But of this it is yet time enough to consider. In the meantime I am, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
Philadelphia, April 10, 1791.
I had the honor of addressing you on the 2d instant, which I presume would overtake you at Richmond. The present, I imagine, will not overtake you till you get to Wilmington. Since my last, I have been honored with your two letters of March 31st, and two others of April 4th, one of which was circular. A copy of this, I sent to the Vice-President, and as Colonel Hamilton has asked a consultation on a letter of Mr. Short's, we shall have a meeting with the Vice-President to-morrow. I will then ask their advice also on the communication to Colonel Beckwith, relative to the supplies to the Indians. Finding, within a day or two after my letter to you of March 27th, that Putnam was gone to the westward, I detained my letter to him, and applied to General Knox, from whom I obtained some information on the Eastern boundary. No official information of the affair of Moose Island is received here. Perhaps it is on the road to you. Nor do we hear anything more of the disturbance said to have arisen on the borders of New York. I have asked the favor of my friend Mr. Madison to think on the subject of the consular commission to Mr. Barclay, so far as we have done so and conferred together as yet. We are both of opinion it may be used; but we shall think and confer further. I presume your only doubt arose on the constitutional powers to "supply vacancies" during the recess of Congress. There was an omission also (which might strike your mind), of the limitation of the commission "till the end of the next session of Congress." As the Constitution limits them, this clause is always useless; however, as it does no harm, it has been usually inserted in the commissions. But in the case of Mr. Barclay, such a clause would require a very awkward explanation to the Emperor of Morocco; and as Mr. Barclay is acquainted with the constitutional determination of his commission, it was thought better to omit the useless expression of it. The acquisition of ground at Georgetown is really noble. Considering that only £25 an acre is to be paid for any grounds taken for the public, and the streets not to be counted, which will in fact reduce it to about £19 an acre, I think very liberal reserves should be made for the public. Your proclamation came to hand the night of the 5th. Dunlap's and Bache's papers for the morning of the 6th being already filled, I could only get it into Brown's evening paper of the 6th. On the 7th, the bill for the federal buildings passed the Representatives here by 42 to 10, but it was rejected yesterday by 9 to 6 in the Senate, or to speak more exactly, it was postponed till the next session. In the meantime, spirited proceedings at Georgetown will probably, under the continuance of your patronage, prevent the revival of the bill. I received last night from Major L'Enfant a request to furnish him any plans of towns I could, for his examination. I accordingly send him, by this post, plans of Frankfort-on-the-Mayne, Carlsruhe, Amsterdam, Strasburg, Paris, Orleans, Bordeaux, Lyons, Montpelier, Marseilles, Turin, and Milan, on large and accurate scales, which I procured while in those towns respectively. They are none of them, however, comparable to the old Babylon, revived in Philadelphia, and exemplified. While in Europe, I selected about a dozen or two of the handsomest fronts of private buildings, of which I have the plates. Perhaps it might decide the taste of the new town, were these to be engraved here, and distributed gratis among the inhabitants of Georgetown. The expense would be trifling.
I enclose you extracts from a letter of Mr. Short's of January 24th. One of January 28th has since come to hand, containing nothing but a translation of the letter, said to have been written by the Emperor to the King of France, but which he suspects to be a forgery, a forged bull of the Pope having lately appeared in the same way. He says very serious differences have arisen between the Minister of Prussia, at Liege, and the imperial commanding officer there.
I also enclose the debates of the Pennsylvania assembly on the bill for the federal buildings, and the bill itself; and have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect respect and attachment, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
Extract of a letter from William Short to Thomas Jefferson, Secretary of State, dated Amsterdam, January 24, 1791
"No loan is yet opened; as far as I can judge it will be found proper to postpone it two or three weeks longer, for reasons mentioned in my former letters, which are of general application, and in this instance particularly for the greater certainty of a success that may enhance the credit of the United States.
"The Reporter of the Committee of Domaines has at length presented the opinion of that committee respecting the Decree on the Droit d'Aubaine to the assembly. He had unfortunately connected it with the business of the Successions, so that an adjournment was insisted on in order that the Report might be discussed. It was referred to four different committees. I had put the Marquis de La Fayette fully in possession of this subject, and wrote to him again respecting it, immediately on being informed of the turn it had taken. The Secretary, whom I left in Paris, writes me that they are now trying to get the Diplomatic Committee to ask for a division of this report, and to obtain a decree explanatory merely as to the Droit d'Aubaine. In the present ill-humor and jealousy which prevail with respect to colonies, it is difficult to say what they will do—but we may be sure that M. de Montmorin will use his exertions to effect what we desire. I apprehend delay, however, which no application can prevent, and I always had doubts myself with respect to the success of this business, notwithstanding the opinion of the Reporter and Committee of Domaines. I mentioned formerly on what those doubts were founded.
"Since the Report of the Committee of Impositions, made in the month of December, of which you will have seen an extract in the Journals of the Assembly, and of which I enclosed you a copy in my last, nothing more has been said on tobacco, except by a member of the Committee of Finance. You will have seen that the Committee of Imposition propose to abandon tobacco as an article of revenue. The member of the Committee of Finance, on the contrary, insisted on it; another member of the same committee, however, insisted on his informing the assembly that what he said was his private opinion, and not that of the Committee of Finance. Nobody, as I have frequently repeated, can say with certainty, when the Assembly will take up any subject, nor what they will decide on it. Their sentiments with respect to tobacco, have experienced a manifest alteration since the first report of the Committee of Imposition respecting it. It is probable now that it will be made an article of free commerce, with a duty on entering the kingdom. But should the Farm be continued, still some modification may be expected at present in favor of their commercial connections with the United States. I forgot to mention above, that I had received through Mr. Donald your letter of November 25 respecting this article.
"The Commercial Committee have formed a new tariff, which is now under press, as they write me, to be presented to the assembly. They not only admit American oils in their plan, but put the duties lower than under the Arrêt du Conseil. It is yet for the assembly to decide on it. I have already informed you of the stages through which this business has been carried, and the manner in which it has been done. I hope the means will be approved of; and the United States will have reason to be satisfied with the result. The delay is inevitable from the nature and proceedings of the assembly. That is the cause, also, of the uncertainty and variation in the opinions which I have communicated to you from time to time on these subjects.
"The resistance of a considerable part of the clergy to a decree of the assembly for their civil organization, and particularly for changing the limits of the dioceses, and the violent measures adopted by the assembly respecting this resistance, or rather non-compliance, has been matter of uneasiness for some time. By a decree of the assembly all those of the clergy who, by a given day, had not taken an oath to maintain the civil organization of that body, were to be deprived of their ecclesiastical functions, and their successors immediately appointed agreeably to the new mode of election. That day rigorously has passed, and only two bishops of the assembly have taken the oath. Of the curates of Paris a majority, also, had refused; but among those subscribed were some of the principal, and particularly the curate of St. Eustache, the King's confessor, who, it is said, was converted by the King himself, who takes every possible means of preventing what might occasion disorder, and who, from his uniform conduct, merits better treatment than he sometimes receives. By a construction of the decree some delay is obtained for its execution. In the meantime two of the refusing bishops have entered into negotiation. They desire to find some decent means of retracting their refusal; hitherto they have waited for the consent of the Pope, to obtain which they had sent an express to Rome. His answer has not yet been received, but it is known by private letters that he is disposed to accommodate at present, though he would not hear of it at first. I know not yet what effect this will produce on the people in the provinces. In the capital, their love of the Revolution so far surpasses every other passion, that all the exertions of the Garde Nationale have been necessary to prevent their entering the churches and hanging the refusing curates. They will manifest their dispositions less violently, perhaps, in the provinces, but in general the spirit of the Revolution will certainly predominate, even if the clergy succeed to convince them that it is contrary to the spirit of religion.
"The funds have risen to an uncommon height owing to the considerable reimbursements made by the emission of assignats. These do not depreciate as might have been expected. On the whole, if there were any probability of the assembly's confining themselves merely to the business of organizing the government, so as to put an end to their session and call a new legislature, the Revolution might be considered as really in a successful state; but the Report of the Central Committee, which you will have received, prescribes such a superabundance of matter as necessary to be deliberated on and settled by the present assembly, that its end as well as the term of the completion of the constitution can be reduced to no calculation. All that seems to me certain is, that the Revolution will in one way or another end by giving a free government to France. This event might be hastened much by the assembly, if they would. My former letters will have informed you how little I think it is to be hoped from them, and for what reasons.
"The Russians, as has been expected for some time, have taken Ismailow. They stormed it, and put the whole garrison to the sword on the 22d of December. This was probably to strike terror into the Turks, in order to aid the separate negotiation which it is known Prince Potemkin is endeavoring to effect with the Grand Visier. The object is to engage the Porte to accept peace without the mediation of other powers. On the other hand, Prussia is active both in negotiation and military demonstration to counteract this project. Preparations are making for sending a large army into Livonia in the spring, which has induced the Empress to call off some of the heavy troops from those employed against the Turks. England, also, keeps an augmented navy in commission. It seems not doubted that the design is to send a fleet into the Baltic as soon as the season will permit it. It is said, also, that the three mediating powers are negotiating with Denmark, to engage that country to be at least indifferent as to the entrance of this fleet; and that there are grounds for hopes of success. Some think, also, that there are indications which render it probable that Spain will join in the mediation for obtaining peace for the Turks. I have no reason to suppose it other than that arising from the desire which Spain must naturally have to see peace restored to that power. It is supposed if she joins in the mediation it will be merely for that object, and not from any disposition to favor generally the system of the mediating powers. Where so many and such opposite principles enter into account, it would be temerity to conjecture the particular results, without being behind the curtain; and even there probably the schemes are not yet fully ascertained. Every day must necessarily throw new lights on this complicated state of affairs, in proportion as the state of negotiation is more advanced.
"I think it probable myself, that peace will be effected one way or another in the course of the year. The present favorable situation of the Russian army, the dispersed and disheartened situation of the Ottoman, the succor promised by Prussia, so long deferred, the little hope of immediate relief from the geographical position of that power, the ardent desire of Russia to effect a peace without mediation, and the sacrifices she is disposed to make to effect it; all induce me to believe that it will be brought about in that way. If, however, the Porte, from a well-founded confidence in the active interference of the mediating powers, should decide still to hold out, then it seems that the Empress will be induced to come to terms rather than enter the lists with new and powerful enemies, from whom she would have much to fear, particularly by sea. Still I find several who think, from the character of the Empress, that she will resist, and try the event of a campaign rather than sacrifice so much success and so much glory in having a peace dictated to her. Her resources at home are without end from her mode of calling them into action, and her credit, even here, stands high; certainly much higher than it should do. It is supposed, also, that in this extremity she would be seconded by the Emperor, notwithstanding his pacific turn. He would be authorized by treaty to do this, and his present situation would enable him; the disturbances in the various parts of his dominions having been all settled. In Brabant, particularly, his authority is more firmly settled than if he had come to it by inheritance only, since he enjoys it also by a kind of conquest.
