Томас Джефферсон
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 3 (of 9)
TO WILLIAM SHORT
New York, July 1, 1790.
Dear Sir,—A bill has passed two readings in the Senate for removing the seat of government to Philadelphia, there to remain ten years, and then to be established permanently in Georgetown. It is to receive its third reading to-day, and it depends on a single vote, yet I believe we may count surely that it will pass that house. As it originated there, it will then have to pass the lower house; where, however, I believe it is very secure of a majority. I apprehend this news must reach you too late to send my baggage to Philadelphia instead of this place; however, to take the chance of any unexpected delay which may have attended its departure, I drop you this line by a vessel sailing this morning to Dunkirk, to pray you (if my baggage is not already embarked, or so engaged for its passage as not to admit a change of destination), that you will have it sent to Philadelphia directly. The having to send it from one port to another in the United States, costs as much nearly as the freight across the Atlantic, besides the custom-house difficulties. I think it better to wait an opportunity from thence to Philadelphia, should there not be an immediate one, than that it should make a double voyage. No time to add anything else, but that all is well. Adieu. Yours affectionately.
TO COL. M. LEWIS
New York, July 4, 1790.
Dear Sir,—I wrote you last on the 13th of June. The Senate have passed the bill for fixing the residence of Congress at Philadelphia for ten years, and then permanently at Georgetown; it has been read once or twice in the House of Representatives, and will be ultimately decided on the day after to-morrow. I believe it will pass there by a considerable majority. I imagine we shall remove from hence early in September, which will consequently be the time for my paying a short visit to Monticello. There is reason to expect a rupture has taken place between Spain and England. If so, it will involve France, and so render the present war of Europe almost universal there. I hope they will all see it their interest to let us make bread for them in peace, and to give us a good price for it. We have every moral certainty that wheat will be high for years to come. I cannot, therefore, my dear Sir, omit to press, for myself, the going into that culture as much as you think practicable. In Albemarle, I presume we may lay aside tobacco entirely; and in Bedford, the more we can lay it aside the happier I shall be. I believe it cannot there be entirely discontinued, for want of open lands. I will also be obliged to you to give such orders for preparing for the next year's crop in the plantation given to Mr. Randolph, as you would for me, were it to remain in my hands. I know he will be glad to have as much wheat sowed as possible. While good crops of grain, and a good price for them, will prepare a good income, if we can avoid paying that away to the stores, all will be well. For this purpose, it is vastly desirable to be getting under way with our domestic cultivation and manufacture of hemp, flax, cotton and wool for the negroes. If we may decide from past experience, we may safely say that war and domestic manufacture are more gainful than peace and store supplies. The present price of wheat here is a dollar a bushel.
Present my best esteem to Mrs. Lewis and your family. I am, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and humble servant.
TO E. RUTLEDGE, ESQ
New York, July 4, 1790.
Dear Sir,—Your favor of April 28 came to hand May 11, and found me under a severe indisposition, which kept me from all business more than a month, and still permits me to apply but very sparingly. That of June 20 was delivered me two days ago by young Mr. Middleton, whom I was very glad to see, as I am everybody and everything which comes from you. It will give me great pleasure to be of any use to him, on his father's account as well as yours.
In yours of April 28 you mention Dr. Turnbull's opinion that force alone can do our business with the Algerines. I am glad to have the concurrence of so good an authority on that point. I am clear myself that nothing but a perpetual cruise against them, or at least for eight months of the year, and for several years, can put an end to their piracies; and I believe that a confederacy of the nations not in treaty with them can be effected, so as to make that perpetual cruise, or our share of it, a very light thing, as soon as we shall have money to answer even a light thing; and I am in hopes this may shortly be the case. I participate fully of your indignation at the trammels imposed on our commerce with Great Britain. Some attempts have been made in Congress, and others are still making to meet their restrictions by effectual restriction on our part. It was proposed to double the foreign tonnage for a certain time, and after that to prohibit the exportation of our commodities in the vessels of nations not in treaty with us. This has been rejected. It is now proposed to prohibit any nation from bringing or carrying in their vessels what may not be brought or carried in ours from or to the same ports; also to prohibit those from bringing to us anything not of their own produce, who prohibit us from carrying to them anything but our own produce. It is thought, however, that this cannot be carried. The fear is that it would irritate Great Britain were we to feel any irritation ourselves. You will see by the debates of Congress that there are good men and bold men, and sensible men, who publicly avow these sentiments. Your observations on the expediency of making short treaties, are most sound. Our situation is too changing and too improving to render an unchangeable treaty expedient for us. But what are these enquiries on the part of the British minister which leads you to think he means to treat? May they not look to some other object? I suspect they do; and can no otherwise reconcile all circumstances. I would thank you for a communication of any facts on this subject.
Some questions have lately agitated the minds of Congress more than the friends of union on catholic principles would have wished. The general assumption of State debts has been as warmly demanded by some States, as warmly rejected by others. I hope still that this question maybe so divested of the injustice imputed to it as to be compromised. The question of residence, you know, was always a heating one. A bill has passed the Senate for fixing this at Philadelphia ten years, and then at Georgetown; and it is rather probable it will pass the lower house. That question then will be put to sleep for ten years; and this and the funding business being once out of the way, I hope nothing else may be able to call up local principles. If the war between Spain and England takes place, I think France will inevitably be involved in it. In that case I hope the new world will fatten on the follies of the old. If we can but establish the armed neutrality for ourselves, we must become the carriers for all parties as far as we can raise vessels.
The President had a hair-breadth escape; but he is now perfectly re-established, and looks much better than before he was sick. I expect daily to see your nephew, Mr. J. Rutledge, arrive here, as he wrote me by the May packet that he would come in that of June. He is a very hopeful young man, sensible, well-informed, prudent and cool. Our southern sun has been accused of sometimes sublimating the temper too highly. I wish all could think as coolly, but as soundly and firmly as you do. Adieu, my dear friend. Yours affectionately.
TO MR. DUMAS
New York, July 13, 1790.
Sir,—I wrote you last on the 23d of June, since which I have received yours of March the 24th to the 30th.
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Congress are still engaged in their funding bills. The foreign debts did not admit of any difference of opinion. They were settled by a single and unanimous vote; but the domestic debt, requiring modifications and settlements, these produce great difference of opinion, and consequently retard the passage of the funding bill. The States had individually contracted considerable debts for their particular defence, in addition to what was done by Congress. Some of the States have so exerted themselves since the war, as to have paid off near the half of their individual debts. Others have done nothing. The State creditors urge, that these debts were as much for general purposes as those contracted by Congress, and insist that Congress shall assume and pay such of them as have not been yet paid by their own States. The States who have exerted themselves most, find that, notwithstanding the great payments they have made, they shall by this assumption, still have nearly as much to pay as if they had never paid anything. They are therefore opposed to it. I am in hopes a compromise will be effected by a proportional assumption, which may reach a great part of the debts, and leave still a part of them to be paid by those States who have paid few or none of their creditors. This being once settled, Congress will probably adjourn, and meet again in December, at Philadelphia. The appearance of war between our two neighbors, Spain and England, would render a longer adjournment inexpedient.
I have the honor to be, with great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO DR. GILMER
New York, July 25, 1790.
Dear Doctor,—I wrote you last on the 27th of June. Since that we have had great appearances of an explosion between Spain and England. Circumstances still indicate war. The strongest fact against it is that a British ambassador is actually gone to Madrid. If there be war, France will probably embark in it. I do not think it can disturb her revolution, that is so far advanced as to be out of danger. Be these things as they may, there will be war enough to ensure us great prices for wheat for years to come, and if we are wise we shall become wealthy. McGillivray, and about thirty Creek chiefs, are here. We are in hopes this visit will ensure the continuance of peace with them. The assumption in a proportionate form is likely to pass. The sum to be assumed is twenty-one millions. Of this three and a half millions are allotted to Virginia, being the exact sum it is supposed she will have to contribute of the whole assumption, and sufficient also to cover the whole of her remaining domestic debt. Being therefore to receive exactly what she is to pay, she will neither lose nor gain by the measure. The principal objection now is, that all the debts, general and State, will be to be raised by tax on imposts, which will thus be overburthened; whereas had the States been left to pay the debts themselves, they could have done it by taxes on land and other property, which would thus have lightened the burthen on commerce. However, the measure was so vehemently called for by the State creditors in some parts of the Union, that it seems to be one of those cases where some sacrifice of opinion is necessary for the sake of peace. Congress will probably rise between the 6th and 13th of August. The President will soon after that go to Mount Vernon, and I shall take advantage of the interregnum to see my neighbors in Albemarle, and to meet my family there. I suppose it will be the 1st of September before I can set out from this place, and shall take that occasion of having my affairs removed hence to Philadelphia. Present me affectionately to Mrs. Gilmer and all my friends. Adieu, dear Doctor, your sincere friend and humble servant.
TO WILLIAM SHORT
New York, July 26, 1790.
Dear Sir,—My public letters to you have been of the 28th of March, the 6th and 30th of April. Yours, which remain to be acknowledged, are of March the 9th, 17th, 29th, April the 4th, 12th, 23d, and May the 1st; being from No. 21 to 28 inclusive, except No. 23, which had come to hand before. I will state to you the dates of all your letters received by me, with the times they have been received, and length of their passage.
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You will perceive that they average eleven weeks and a half; that the quickest are of nine weeks, and the longest are of near eighteen weeks coming. Our information through the English papers, is of about five or six weeks, and we generally remain as long afterwards in anxious suspense, till the receipt of your letters may enable us to decide what articles of those papers have been true. As these come principally by the English packet, I will take the liberty of asking you to write always by that packet, giving a full detail of such events as may be communicated through that channel; and indeed most may. If your letters leave Paris nine or ten days before the sailing of the packet, we shall be able to decide, on the moment, on the facts, true or false, with which she comes charged. For communications of a secret nature, you will avail yourself of other conveyances, and you will be enabled to judge which are best, by the preceding statement. News from Europe is very interesting at this moment, when it is so doubtful whether a war will take place between our two neighbors.
Congress have passed an act for establishing the seat of government at Georgetown, from the year 1800, and in the meantime, to remove to Philadelphia. It is to that place, therefore, that your future letters had better be addressed. They have still before them the bill for funding the public debts. That has been hitherto delayed by a question, whether the debts contracted by the particular States for general purposes, should, at once, be assumed by the General Government. A development of circumstances, and more mature consideration, seem to have produced some change of opinion on the subject. When it was first proposed, a majority was against it. There is reason to believe, by the complexion of some later votes, that the majority will now be for assuming these debts to a fixed amount. Twenty-one millions of dollars are proposed. As soon as this point is settled, the funding bill will pass, and Congress will adjourn. That adjournment will probably be between the 6th and 13th of August. They expect it sooner. I shall then be enabled to inform you, ultimately, on the subject of the French debt, the negotiations for the payment of which will be referred to the executive, and will not be retarded by them an unnecessary moment. A bill has passed, authorizing the President to raise the salary of a chargé des affaires to four thousand five hundred dollars, from the first day of July last. I am authorized by him to inform you, that yours will accordingly be at that rate, and that you will be allowed for gazettes, translating or printing papers, where that shall be necessary, postage, couriers, and necessary aids to poor American sailors, in addition to the salary, and no charge of any other description, except where you may be directed to incur it expressly. I have thought it would be most agreeable to you to give you precise information, that you may be in no doubt in what manner to state your accounts. Be pleased to settle your account down to the 1st of July last, and state the balance then due, which will be to be paid out of the former fund. From that day downwards, a new account must be opened, because a new fund is appropriated to it, from that time. The expenses for the medals, directed in my letter of April the 30th, must enter into the new account. As I presume the die will be finished by the time you receive this, I have to desire you will have a medal of gold struck for the Marquis de La Luzerne, and have put to it a chain of three hundred and sixty-five links, each link containing gold to the value of two dollars and a half, or thirteen livres and ten sous. The links to be of plain wire, so that their workmanship may cost as it were nothing. The whole will make a present of little more than one thousand dollars, including the medal and chain. As soon as done, be pleased to forward them by a safe hand to the Marquis de La Luzerne, in the name of the President of the United States, informing him that it is the one spoken of in my letter to him of April the 30th, 1790. Say nothing to anybody of the value of the present, because that will not always be the same, in all cases. Be so good as to have a second medal of gold struck in the same die, and to send this second, together with the dies, to Philadelphia, by the first safe person who shall be passing; no chain to be sent with this.
We are impatient to learn the progress and prospect of the Algerine business. Do not let it languish a moment, nor leave us a moment uninformed of anything relative to it. It is in truth a tender business, and more felt as such in this, than in any other country. The suppression of the farms of tobacco, and the free importation of our salted provisions, will merit all your attention. They are both of them objects of first-rate importance.
The following appointments of consuls have taken place.
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Their jurisdictions, in general, extend to all places within the same allegiance, which are nearer to them than to the residence of any other consul or vice-consul. As yet, only their commissions have been made out. General instructions await the passage of a bill now depending. Mr. La Forest, at this place, remarked our appointment of consuls in the French islands. In the first project of a convention proposed on the part of France, the expressions reached expressly to the kingdom of France only. I objected to this in writing, as being narrower than the twenty-ninth article of the treaty of amity, which was the basis of the consular convention, and which had granted the appointment of consuls and vice-consuls, in their respective "States and ports," generally, and without restriction. On this, the word "France" was struck out, and the "dominions of the M. C. K." inserted everywhere. See the fifth, ninth, twelfth, thirteenth and fifteenth articles particularly, of the copy of the draughts of 1784 and 1788, as I had them printed side by side. The object of this alteration was, the appointment of consuls in the free ports allowed us in the French West Indies, where our commerce has greater need of protection than anywhere. I mention these things that you may be prepared, should anything be said to you on the subject. I am persuaded the appointment will contribute eminently to the preservation of harmony between us. These consuls will be able to prevent the misunderstandings which arise frequently now between the officers there and our traders, and which are doubtless much exaggerated and misrepresented to us by the latter.
I duly received the copy you were so kind as to send me of the Bishop of Autun's proposition, on the subject of weights and measures. It happened to arrive in the moment I was about giving in to Congress a report on the same subject, which they had referred to me. In consequence of the Bishop of Autun's proposition, I made an alteration in my report, substituting forty-five degrees instead of thirty-eight degrees, which I had at first proposed as a standard latitude. I send you a copy of my report for the Bishop, and another for M. Condorcet, Secretary of the Academy of Sciences. By taking the second pendulum or rod of the same latitude, for the basis of our measures, it will at least furnish a common measure to which both our systems will refer, provided our experiments on the pendulum or rod of forty-five degrees should yield exactly the same result with theirs.
The newspapers, as usual, will accompany the present, which is to go by Mr. Barrett.
I have the honor to be, with great esteem and attachment, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.
TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL
New York, August 2, 1790.
Dear Sir,—This letter will be delivered to you by Colonel Humphreys, whose character is so well known to you as to need no recommendations from me. The present appearances of war between our two neighbors Spain and England, cannot but excite all our attention. The part we are to act is uncertain, and will be difficult. The unsettled state of our dispute with Spain, may give a turn to it very different from what we would wish. As it is important that you should be fully apprized of our way of thinking on this subject, I have sketched, in the enclosed paper, general heads of consideration arising from present circumstances. These will be readily developed by your own reflections, and in conversations with Colonel Humphreys; who, possessing the sentiments of the executive on this subject, being well acquainted with the circumstances of the Western country in particular, and of the state of our affairs in general, comes to Madrid expressly for the purpose of giving you a thorough communication of them. He will, therefore, remain there as many days or weeks as may be necessary for this purpose. With this information, written and oral, you will be enabled to meet the minister in conversations on the subject of the navigation of the Mississippi, to which we wish you to lead his attention immediately. Impress him thoroughly with the necessity of an early, and even an immediate settlement of this matter, and of a return to the field of negotiation for this purpose; and though it must be done delicately, yet he must be made to understand unequivocally, that a resumption of the negotiation is not desired on our part, unless he can determine, in the first opening of it, to yield the immediate and full enjoyment of that navigation. (I say nothing of the claims of Spain to our territory north of the thirty-first degree, and east of the Mississippi. They never merited the respect of an answer; and you know it has been admitted at Madrid, that they were not to be maintained.) It may be asked, what need of negotiation, if the navigation is to be ceded at all events? You know that the navigation cannot be practised without a port, where the sea and river vessels may meet and exchange loads, and where those employed about them may be safe and unmolested. The right to use a thing, comprehends a right to the means necessary to its use, and without which it would be useless. The fixing on a proper port, and the degree of freedom it is to enjoy in its operations, will require negotiation, and be governed by events. There is danger, indeed, that even the unavoidable delay of sending a negotiator here, may render the mission too late for the preservation of peace. It is impossible to answer for the forbearance of our western citizens. We endeavor to quiet them with the expectation of an attainment of their rights by peaceable means. But should they, in a moment of impatience, hazard others, there is no saying how far we may be led; for neither themselves nor their rights will ever be abandoned by us.
You will be pleased to observe, that we press these matters warmly and firmly, under this idea, that the war between Spain and Great Britain will be begun before you receive this; and such a moment must not be lost. But should an accommodation take place, we retain, indeed, the same object and the same resolutions unalterably; but your discretion will suggest, that in that event, they must be pressed more softly, and that patience and persuasion must temper your conferences, till either these may prevail, or some other circumstance turn up, which may enable us to use other means for the attainment of an object which we are determined, in the end, to obtain at every risk.
I have the honor to be, with great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
