Томас Джефферсон
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 3 (of 9)
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA LUZERNE
New York, April 30, 1790.
Sir,—When in the course of your legation to the United States, your affairs rendered it necessary that you should absent yourself awhile from that station, we flattered ourselves with the hope that that absence was not final. It turned out, in event, that the interests of your sovereign called for your talents and the exercise of your functions, in another quarter. You were pleased to announce this to the former Congress through their Secretary for Foreign Affairs, at a time when that body was closing its administration, in order to hand it over to a government then preparing on a different model. This government is now formed, organized, and in action; and it considers among its earliest duties, and assuredly among its most cordial, to testify to you the regret which the people and government of the United States felt at your removal from among them; a very general and sincere regret, and tempered only by the consolation of your personal advancement, which accompanied it. You will receive, Sir, by order of the President of the United States, as soon as they can be prepared, a medal and chain of gold, of which he desires your acceptance, in token of their esteem, and of the sensibility with which they will ever recall your legation to their memory.
But as this compliment may hereafter be rendered to other missions, from which yours was distinguished by eminent circumstances, the President of the United States wishes to pay you the distinguished tribute of an express acknowledgment of your services, and our sense of them. You came to us, Sir, through all the perils which encompassed us on all sides. You found us struggling and suffering under difficulties, as singular and trying as our situation was new and unprecedented. Your magnanimous nation had taken side with us in the conflict, and yourself became the centre of our common councils, the link which connected our common operations. In that position you labored without ceasing, till all our labors were crowned with glory to your nation, freedom to ours, and benefit to both. During the whole, we had constant evidence of your zeal, your abilities, and your good faith. We desire to convey this testimony of it home to your own breast, and to that of your sovereign, our best and greatest friend; and this I do, Sir, in the name, and by the express instruction of the President of the United States.
I feel how flattering it is to me, Sir, to be the organ of the public sense on this occasion, and to be justified by that office, in adding to theirs, the homage of those sentiments of respect and esteem with which I have the honor to be, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO WILLIAM SHORT
New York, April 30, 1790.
Dear Sir,—My last letter to you was of the 6th instant, acknowledging the receipt of your favors of the 2d and 6th of January. Since that, Mr. Jay has put into my hands yours of the 12th of January, and I have received your note of February the 10th, accompanying some newspapers.
Mine of the 6th covered the President's letter to the King for my recall, and my letters of leave for myself and of credence to you, for the Count de Montmorin, with copies of them for your information. Duplicates of all these accompany the present; and an original commission for you as chargé des affaires, signed by the President. At the date of my former letters, I had not had time to examine with minuteness the proper form of credentials under our new Constitution: I governed myself, therefore, by foreign precedents, according to which a chargé des affaires is furnished with only a letter of credence from one minister of Foreign Affairs to the other. Further researches have shown me, that under our new Constitution, all commissions (or papers amounting to that) must be signed by the President. You will judge whether any explanation on this subject to M. de Montmorin be necessary. I enclose you also the copy of a letter written to the Marquis de La Luzerne, to be communicated to the Count de Montmorin, and by him to the King, if he thinks proper.
It has become necessary to determine on a present proper to be given to diplomatic characters on their taking leave of us; and it is concluded that a medal and chain of gold will be the most convenient. I have, therefore, to ask the favor of you to order the dies to be engraved with all the despatch practicable. The medal must be of thirty lines diameter, with a loop on the edge to receive the chain. On one side, must be the arms of the United States, of which I send you a written description, and several impressions in wax to render that more intelligible; round them, as a legend, must be "The United States of America." The device of the other side we do not decide on. One suggestion has been a Columbia (a fine female figure) delivering the emblems of peace and commerce to a Mercury, with a legend "Peace and Commerce" circumscribed, and the date of our republic, to wit, 4th July, MDCCLXXVI., subscribed as an exergum; but having little confidence in our own ideas in an art not familiar here, they are only suggested to you, to be altered, or altogether postponed to such better device as you may approve on consulting with those who are in the habit and study of medals. Duvivier and Dupré seem to be the best workmen; perhaps the last is the best of the two.
The public papers which accompany this, will give you fully the news of this quarter.
I am, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. RANDOLPH
New York, May 30, 1790.
Dear Sir,—I at length find myself, though not quite well, yet sufficiently so to resume business in a moderate degree. I have, therefore, to answer your two favors of April 23 and May 3, and in the first place to thank you for your attention to the Paccan, Gloucester and European walnuts, which will be great acquisitions at Monticello. I will still ask your attention to Mr. Foster's boring machines, lest he should go away suddenly, and the opportunity of getting it be lost. I enquired of Mr. Hamilton the quantity of coal imported; but he tells me there are not returns as yet sufficient to ascertain it; but as soon as there shall be I shall be informed. I am told there is a considerable prejudice against our coal in these Northern States. I do not know whence it proceeds; perhaps from the want of attention to the different species, and an ignorant application of them to cross purposes. I have not begun my meteorological diary, because I have not yet removed to the house I have taken. I remove to-morrow; but as far as I can judge from its aspects, there will not be one position to be had for the thermometer free from the influence of the sun both morning and evening. However, as I go into it only till I can get a better, I shall hope ere long to find a less objectionable situation. You know that during my short stay at Monticello I kept a diary of the weather. Mr. Madison has just received one comprehending the same period, kept at his father's at Orange. The hours of observation were the same, and he has the fullest confidence in the accuracy of the observer. All the morning observations in Orange are lower than those of Monticello, from one to, I believe, fifteen or sixteen degrees; the afternoon observations are near as much higher as those of Monticello. Nor will the variations permit us to ascribe them to any supposed irregularities in either tube; because, in that case, at the same point the variation would always be the same, which it is not. You have often been sensible that in the afternoon, or rather evening, the air has become warmer in ascending the mountain. The same is true in the morning. This might account for a higher station of the mercury in the morning observations at Monticello. Again, when the air is equally dry in the lower and higher situations, which may be supposed the case in the warmest part of the day, the mercury should be lower on the latter, because, all other circumstances the same, the nearer the common surface the warmer the air. So that on a mountain it ought really to be warmer in the morning and cooler in the heat of the day than on the common plain, but not in so great a degree as these observations indicate. As soon as I am well enough I intend to examine them more accurately. Your resolution to apply to the study of the law, is wise in my opinion, and at the same time to mix with it a good degree of attention to the farm. The one will relieve the other. The study of the law is useful in a variety of points of view. It qualifies a man to be useful to himself, to his neighbors, and to the public. It is the most certain stepping-stone to preferment in the political line. In political economy, I think Smith's Wealth of Nations the best book extant; in the science of government, Montesquieu's Spirit of Laws is generally recommended. It contains, indeed, a great number of political truths; but also an equal number of heresies: so that the reader must be constantly on his guard. There has been lately published a letter of Helvetius, who was the intimate friend of Montesquieu, and whom he consulted before the publication of his book. Helvetius advised him not to publish it; and in this letter to a friend he gives us a solution for the mixture of truth and error found in this book. He says Montesquieu was a man of immense reading; that he had commonplaced all his reading, and that his object was to throw the whole contents of his commonplace book into systematical order, and to show his ingenuity by reconciling the contradictory facts it presents. Locke's little book on Government, is perfect as far as it goes. Descending from theory to practice there is no better book than the Federalist. Burgh's Political Disquisitions are good also, especially after reading De Lome. Several of Hume's Political Essays are good. There are some excellent books of theory written by Turgot and the economists of France. For parliamentary knowledge, the Lex Parliamentaria is the best book. On my return to Virginia in the fall, I cannot help hoping some practicable plan may be devised for your settling in Albemarle, should your inclination lead you to it. Nothing could contribute so much to my happiness were it at the same time consistent with yours. You might get into the Assembly for that county as soon as you should please.
A motion has been made in the Senate to remove the Federal Government to Philadelphia. There was a trial of strength on a question for a week's postponement. On that it was found there would be eleven for the removal, and thirteen against it. The motion was therefore withdrawn and made in the other house, where it is still depending, and of very uncertain event. The question of the assumption is again brought on. The parties were so nearly equal on the former trial that it is very possible, that with some modifications, it may yet prevail. The tonnage bill will probably pass, and must, I believe, produce salutary effects. It is a mark of energy in our government, in a case, I believe, where it cannot be parried. The French revolution still goes on well, though the danger of a suspension of payments is very imminent. Their appeal to the inhabitants of their colonies to say on what footing they wish to be placed, will end, I hope, in our free admissions into their islands with our produce. This precedent must have consequences. It is impossible the world should continue long insensible to so evident a truth as that the right to have commerce and intercourse with our neighbors, is a natural right. To suppress this neighborly intercourse is an exercise of force, which we shall have a just right to remove when the superior force. Dear Sir, your affectionate friend.
TO WILLIAM SHORT
New York, June 6, 1790.
Dear Sir,—Having written to you so lately as the 27th of May, by M. de Crevecoeur, I have little new to communicate. My headache still continues in a slight degree, but I am able to do business. To-morrow I go on a sailing party of three or four days with the President. I am in hopes of being relieved entirely by the sickness I shall probably encounter. The President is perfectly re-established, and looks better than before his illness. The question of removal to Philadelphia was carried in the House of Representatives by 38, against 22. It is thought the Senate will be equally divided, and consequently that the decision will rest on the Vice-President, who will be himself divided between his own decided inclinations to stay here, and the unpopularity of being the sole obstacle to what appears the wish of so great a majority of the people expressed by proportional representation. Rhode Island has at length acceded to the Union by a majority of two voices only, in their convention. Her Senators will be here in about ten days or a fortnight. The opposers of removal in the Senate try to draw out time till their arrival. Therefore, they have connected the resolution of the lower House with a bill originated with them to fix a permanent residence, and have referred both to the same committee. Deaths are, Colonel Bland at this place, and old Colonel Corbin in Virginia. The naming a minister for Paris, awaits the progress of a bill before the legislature. They will probably adjourn to the 1st of December, as soon as they have got through the money business. The funding bill is passed, by which the President is authorized to borrow money for transferring our foreign debt. But the ways and means bill being not yet passed, the loan cannot be commenced till the appropriations of revenue are made, which is to give credit to the loan.
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Remember me to all my friends, and be assured of the sincere esteem of, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.
TO COLONEL GEORGE MASON
New York, June 13, 1790.
Dear Sir,—I have deferred acknowledging the receipt of your favor of March 16th, expecting daily that the business of the Consulships would have been finished. But this was delayed by the President's illness, and a very long one of my own, so that it is not till within these two or three days that it has been settled. That of Bordeaux is given to Mr. Fenwick, according to your desire. The commission is making out and will be signed to-morrow or next day.
I intended fully to have had the pleasure of seeing you at Gunstan Hall on my way here, but the roads being so bad that I was obliged to leave my own carriage to get along as it could, and to take my passage in the stage. I could not deviate from the stage road. I should have been happy in a conversation with you on the subject of our new government, of which, though I approve of the mass, I would wish to see some amendments, further than those which have been proposed, and fixing it more surely on a republican basis. I have great hopes that pressing forward with constancy to these amendments, they will be obtained before the want of them will do any harm. To secure the ground we gain, and gain what more we can, is, I think, the wisest course. I think much has been gained by the late constitution; for the former was terminating in anarchy, as necessarily consequent to inefficiency. The House of Representatives have voted to remove to Baltimore, by a majority of 53, against 6. This was not the effect of choice, but of confusion into which they had been brought by the event of other questions, and their being hampered with the rules of the House. It is not certain what will be the vote of the Senate. Some hope an opening will be given to convert it into a vote of the temporary seat at Philadelphia, and the permanent one at Georgetown. The question of assumption will be brought on again, and its event is doubtful. Perhaps its opponents would be wiser to be less confident in their success, and to compromise by agreeing to assume the State debts still due to individuals, on condition of assuming to the States at the same time what they have paid to individuals, so as to put the States in the shoes of those of their creditors whom they have paid off. Great objections lie to this, but not so great as to an assumption of the unpaid debts only. My duties preventing me from mingling in these questions, I do not pretend to be very competent to their decision. In general, I think it necessary to give as well as take in a government like ours. I have some hope of visiting Virginia in the fall, in which case I shall still flatter myself with the pleasure of seeing you; in the meantime, I am, with unchanged esteem and respect, my dear Sir, your most obedient friend and servant.
TO DAVID RITTENHOUSE
New York, June 14, 1790.
Dear Sir,—I enclosed you the day before yesterday a rough draught of the report I had prepared on the subject of weights and measures. I have this morning received from Mr. Short a proposition made by the Bishop of Autun to the National Assembly of France, on the same subject, which I enclose you, and will beg the favor of you to return it by post after you shall have perused it. He mentions that the latitude of 45°, as being a middle term between the equator and pole, had been proposed as the general standard for measures, and he makes the proposition anew, and desires it may be made to England. As this degree of latitude is our northern boundary, as it may form a link between us and Europe, and as the degree which shall otherwise give the standard is not otherwise very material, I have thought of proposing it in my report instead of the 38th degree. I have in consequence gone over my calculations again upon the ground of a pendulum of 36.-8.428. (Sir Isaac Newton's calculation for 45°) 39.14912 inches giving a rod of 58.72368 inches, and reformed the tables (last page of the report), of which reformation I send you a copy. The alterations in the body of the work may be easily made from this. The Bishop says the pendulum has been calculated for 45° to be 36.-8.52. this 1-10 of a line less than Sir Isaac Newton's, and the Bishop accordingly adds, that there may be in this calculation an error of 1-10 of a line.
I had taken no notice of the precaution of making the experiment of the pendulum on the sea shore, because the highest mountain in the United States would not add 1-5000 part to the length of the earth's radius, nor 1-128 of an inch to the length of the pendulum; the highest part of the Andes indeed might add about 1-1000 to the earth's radius, and 1-25 of an inch to the pendulum; as it has been thought worth mention, I will insert it also.
Your letter of April 20th, was duly attended to by me, but I fancy the successor had been decided on before it was known to the public that there would be a vacancy.
I am, with great esteem, my dear Sir, your sincere friend and humble servant.
TO DAVID RITTENHOUSE
New York, June 20, 1790.
Dear Sir,—I enclosed you on the 17th the alterations I had made in my report in consequence of the Bishop of Autun's proposition, which had come to my hands two days before. On the 18th, I received from Mr. Cutter in London a packet of newspapers, among which were the two enclosed, containing the speech in Parliament of Sir John Riggs Miller, on the subject of weights and measures. I observe, he states the estimate of 39.2 I. for the length of the pendulum as confessedly erroneous. I had adopted it from memory only, and before I had been able to get a single book of any kind, in the first part of the report, wherein I endeavor to ascertain and fix invariably the system of measures and weights now in use with us. But before I proceeded to the second part, proposing a thorough reform, and reducing the whole to the decimal ratio, I had been able to procure here a copy of the Principia, and so to recur to the fountain head for Sir I. Newton's calculations, and then added the note, which you will find page 3 of the report, doubting what could have been the foundation of the common imputation of the estimate of 39.2 to Sir I. Newton, and stating the grounds of that of 39.1682 for the latitude of 51° 31' of 39.1285 for 38°, which I had at first adopted, and 39.14912 for 45°, which I took on receiving the Bishop of Autun's proposition. I have now thought I might venture to take for granted, that the estimate of 39.2 is as erroneous as I had supposed it, and therefore to expunge it from the first branch of the report, and substitute in its stead 39.1682; and to change a passage under the head of "Measures of length" into the following form:
"They furnish no means to persons at a distance of knowing what this standard is. This, however, is supplied by the evidence of the second pendulum, which, according to the authority before quoted, being 39.1682 I. for the latitude of London, and consequently the second rod for the same latitude being 58.7523, we are first to find by actual trial the rod for 45, and to add to that 287/10000 of an inch, or rather 3/10 of a line (which in practice will endanger less error than an attempt at so minute a fraction as 10,000th parts of an inch), this will give us the true measure of 58-3/4 English inches. Or, to shorten the operation, and yet obtain the result we seek, let the standard rod of 45° be divided into 587-1/5 equal parts, and let each of these parts be declared a line, and ten lines an inch," &c.
I propose also to strike out the note (page 3) before mentioned, and to substitute the following in its place:
"The length of the pendulum has been differently estimated by different persons. Knowing no reason to respect any of them more than Sir Isaac Newton for skill, care, or candor, I had adopted his estimate of 39.149 I. for our northern limit of 45°, before I saw the different propositions of the Bishop of Autun, and Sir John Riggs Miller. The first of these gentlemen quotes Mairan's calculation for 48° 50', the latitude of Paris, to wit, 504:257::72: to a 4th proportional, which will be 36.71428=39.1923 inches. The difference between the pendulum for 48° 50' and 45°, as calculated by Sir I. Newton, is .0112 I. so that the pendulum for 45° would be estimated, according to the Bishop of Autun, at 39.1923-.0112=39.1811. Sir John Riggs Miller proposes 39.126, being Graham's determination for 51° 31', the latitude of London. The difference between the pendulum for 51° 31', and 45° by Sir I. Newton, is .019 I., so that the pendulum for 45° should be estimated according to Sir J. R. Miller, at 39.126-.019=39.107 I. Now, dividing our respect between these two results, by taking their mean, to wit, (39.181 + 39.107)/2=39.144, we find ourselves almost exactly with Sir I. Newton, whose estimate of 39.149 we had already adopted."
I propose also to reform a passage under the head of Weights, in the first branch of the report, to stand thus:
"Let it then be established, that an ounce is the weight of a cube of rain water of one-tenth of a foot, or rather, that it is the thousandth part of the weight of a cubic foot of rain water weighed in the standard temperature," &c.
All which I submit to your judgment, and I will ask you particularly to examine the numbers .0112 and .019, as I have no help here to find them otherwise than by approximation. I have wished much, but in vain, Emerson's and Ferguson's books here. In short, I never was cut off from the resources of my own books and papers at so unlucky a moment. There is a Count Andriani, of Milan, here, who says there is a work on the subject of weights and measures published by Trisi of Milan. Perhaps you may have it at Philadelphia, and be able to send it to me. Were it not for my confidence in your assistance, I should not have ventured to take up this business till I received my books.
I am, my dear Sir, with great and sincere esteem, your friend and servant.
