Томас Бабингтон Маколей
The History of England, from the Accession of James II — Volume 3
617 (return)
[ Stat. 2 W.&M. sess. 1. C. 10.]
618 (return)
[ Roger North was one of the many malecontents who were never tired of harping on this string.]
619 (return)
[ Stat. 2 W.&M. sess. 1. c. 6.; Grey's Debates, April 29., May 1. 5, 6, 7. 1690.]
620 (return)
[ Story's Impartial History; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]
621 (return)
[ Avaux, Jan. 15/25 1690.]
622 (return)
[ Macariae Excidium. This most curious work has been recently edited with great care and diligence by Mr. O'Callaghan. I owe so much to his learning and industry that I most readily excuse the national partiality which sometimes, I cannot but think, perverts his judgment. When I quote the Macariae Excidium, I always quote the Latin text. The English version is, I am convinced, merely a translation from the Latin, and a very careless and imperfect translation.]
623 (return)
[ Avaux, Nov. 14/24 1689.]
624 (return)
[ Louvois writes to Avaux, Dec 26/Jan 5 1689/90. "Comme le Roy a veu par vos lettres que le Roy d'Angleterre craignoit de manquer de cuivre pour faire de la monnoye, Sa Majeste a donne ordre, que l'on mist sur le bastiment qui portera cette lettre une piece de canon du calibre de deux qui est eventee, de laquelle ceux qui travaillent a la monnoye du Roy d'Angleterre pourront se servir pour continuer a faire de la monnoye."]
625 (return)
[ Louvois to Avaux, Nov. 1/11. 1689. The force sent by Lewis to Ireland appears by the lists at the French War Office to have amounted to seven thousand two hundred and ninety-one men of all ranks. At the French War Office is a letter from Marshal d'Estrees who saw the four Irish regiments soon after they had landed at Brest. He describes them as "mal chausses, mal vetus, et n'ayant point d'uniforme dans leurs habits, si ce n'est qu'ils sont tous fort mauvais." A very exact account of Macarthy's breach of parole will be found in Mr. O'Callaghan's History of the Irish Brigades. I am sorry that a writer to whom I owe so much should try to vindicate conduct which, as described by himself, was in the highest degree dishonourable.]
626 (return)
[ Lauzun to Louvois. May 28/June 7 and June 1 1690, at the French War Office.]
627 (return)
[ See the later letters of Avaux.]
628 (return)
[ Avaux to Louvois, March 14/24 1690; Lauzun to Louvois March 23/April 3]
629 (return)
[ Story's Impartial History; Lauzun to Louvois, May 20/30. 1690.]
630 (return)
[ Lauzun to Louvois, May 28/June 7 1690.]
631 (return)
[ Lauzun to Louvois, April 2/12 May 10/20. 1690. La Hoguette, who held the rank of Marechal de Camp, wrote to Louvois to the same effect about the same time.]
632 (return)
[ "La Politique des Anglois a ete de tenir ces peuples cy comme des esclaves, et si bas qu'il ne leur estoit pas permis d'apprendre a lire et a écrire. Cela les a rendu si bestes qu'ils n'ont presque point d'humanite. Rien de les esmeut. Ils sont peu sensibles a l'honneur; et les menaces ne les estonnent point. L'interest meme ne les peut engager au travail. Ce sont pourtant les gens du monde les mieux faits,"—Desgrigny to Louvois, May 27/June 6 1690.]
633 (return)
[ See Melfort's Letters to James, written in October 1689. They are among the Nairne Papers, and were printed by Macpherson.]
634 (return)
[ Life of James, ii. 443. 450.;and Trials of Ashton and Preston.]
635 (return)
[ Avaux wrote thus to Lewis on the 5th of June 1689: "Il nous est venu des nouvelles assez considerables d'Angleterre et d'Escosse. Je me donne l'honneur d'en envoyer des memoires a vostre Majeste, tels que je les ay receus du Roy de la Grande Bretagne. Le commencement des nouvelles dattees d'Angleterre est la copie d'une lettre de M. Pen, que j'ay veue en original." The Memoire des Nouvelles d'Angleterre et d'Escosse, which was sent with this despatch, begins with the following sentences, which must have been part of Penn's letter: "Le Prince d'Orange commence d'estre fort dégoutte de l'humeur des Anglois et la face des choses change bien viste, selon la nature des insulaires et sa sante est fort mauvaise. Il y a un nuage qui commence a se former au nord des deux royaumes, ou le Roy a beaucoup d'amis, ce qui donne beaucoup d'inquietude aux principaux amis du Prince d'Orange, qui, estant riches, commencent a estre persuadez que ce sera l'espée qui decidera de leur sort, ce qu'ils ont tant taché d'eviter. Ils apprehendent une invasion d'Irlande et de France; et en ce cas le Roy aura plus d'amis que jamais."]
636 (return)
[ "Le bon effet, Sire, que ces lettres d'Escosse et d'Angleterre ont produit, est qu'elles ont enfin persuade le Roy d'Angleterre qu'il ne recouvrera ses estats que les armes a la main; et ce n'est pas peu de l'en avoir convaincu."]
637 (return)
[ Van Citters to the States General, March 1/11 1689. Van Citters calls Penn "den bekenden Archquaker."]
638 (return)
[ See his trial in the Collection of State Trials, and the Lords' Journals of Nov. 11, 12. and 27. 1689.]
639 (return)
[ One remittance of two thousand pistoles is mentioned in a letter of Croissy to Avaux, Feb. 16/26 1689. James, in a letter dated Jan. 26. 1689, directs Preston to consider himself as still Secretary, notwithstanding Melfort's appointment.]
640 (return)
[ Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Commons' Journals, May 14. 15. 20. 1690; Kingston's True History, 1697.]
641 (return)
[ The Whole Life of Mr. William Fuller, being an Impartial Account of his Birth, Education, Relations and Introduction into the Service of the late King James and his Queen, together with a True Discovery of the Intrigues for which he lies now confined; as also of the Persons that employed and assisted him therein, with his Hearty Repentance for the Misdemeanours he did in the late Reign, and all others whom he hath injured; impartially writ by Himself during his Confinement in the Queen's Bench, 1703. Of course I shall use this narrative with caution.]
642 (return)
[ Fuller's Life of himself,]
643 (return)
[ Clarendon's Diary, March 6. 1690; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]
644 (return)
[ Clarendon's Diary, May 10. 1690.]
645 (return)
[ He wrote to Portland, "Je plains la povre reine, qui est en des terribles afflictions."]
646 (return)
[ See the Letters of Shrewsbury in Coxe's Correspondence, Part I, chap. i,]
647 (return)
[ That Lady Shrewsbury was a Jacobite, and did her best to make her son so, is certain from Lloyd's Paper of May 1694, which is among the Nairne MSS., and was printed by Macpherson.]
648 (return)
[ This is proved by a few words in a paper which James, in November 1692, laid before the French government. "Il y a" says he, "le Comte de Shrusbery, qui, etant Secretaire d'Etat du Prince d'Orange, s'est defait de sa charge par mon ordre." One copy of this most valuable paper is in the Archives of the French Foreign Office. Another is among the Nairne MSS. in the Bodleian Library. A translation into English will be found in Macpherson's collection.]
649 (return)
[ Burnet, ii. 45.]
650 (return)
[ Shrewsbury to Somers, Sept. 22. 1697.]
651 (return)
[ Among the State Poems (vol. ii. p. 211.) will be found a piece which some ignorant editor has entitled, "A Satyr written when the K—— went to Flanders and left nine Lords justices." I have a manuscript copy of this satire, evidently contemporary, and bearing the date 1690. It is indeed evident at a glance that the nine persons satirised are the nine members of the interior council which William appointed to assist Mary when he went to Ireland. Some of them never were Lords Justices.]
652 (return)
[ From a narrative written by Lowther, which is among the Mackintosh MSS,]
653 (return)
[ See Mary's Letters to William, published by Dalrymple.]
654 (return)
[ Clarendon's Diary, May 30. 1690.]
655 (return)
[ Gerard Croese.]
656 (return)
[ Burnet, ii. 46.]
657 (return)
[ The Duchess of Marlborough's Vindication.]
658 (return)
[ London Gazettes, June 5. 12. 16. 1690; Hop to the States General from Chester, June 9/19. Hop attended William to Ireland as envoy from the States.]
659 (return)
[ Clarendon's Diary, June 7. and 12. 1690; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Baden, the Dutch Secretary of Legation, to Van Citters, June 10/20; Fuller's Life of himself; Welwood's Mercurius Reformatus, June 11 1690.]
660 (return)
[ Clarendon's Diary, June 8. 1690.]
661 (return)
[ Ibid., June 10.]
662 (return)
[ Baden to Van Citters, June 20/30 1690.; Clarendon's Diary, June 19. Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]
663 (return)
[ Clarendon's Diary, June 25.]
664 (return)
[ Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]
665 (return)
[ Memoirs of Saint Simon.]
666 (return)
[ London Gazette, June 26. 1690; Baden to Van Citters, June 24/July 4.]
667 (return)
[ Mary to William, June 26. 1690; Clarendon's Diary of the same date; Narcissus Luttrell's. Diary.]
668 (return)
[ Mary to William, June 28. and July 2. 1690.]
669 (return)
[ Report of the Commissioners of the Admiralty to the Queen, dated Sheerness, July 18. 1690; Evidence of Captains Cornwall, Jones, Martin and Hubbard, and of Vice Admiral Delaval; Burnet, ii. 52., and Speaker Onslow's Note; Memoires du Marechal de Tourville; Memoirs of Transactions at Sea by Josiah Burchett, Esq., Secretary to the Admiralty, 1703; London Gazette, July 3.; Historical and Political Mercury for July 1690; Mary to William, July 2.; Torrington to Caermarthen, July I. The account of the battle in the Paris Gazette of July 15. 1690 is not to be read without shame: "On a sceu que les Hollandois s'estoient tres bien battus, et qu'ils s'estoient comportez en cette occasion en braves gens, mais que les Anglois n'en avoient pas agi de meme." In the French official relation of le battle off Cape Bevezier,—an odd corruption of Pevensey,—are some passages to the same effect: "Les Hollandois combattirent avec beaucoup de courage et de fermete; mais ils ne furent pas bien secondez par les Anglois." "Les Anglois se distinguerent des vaisseax de Hollande par le peu de valeur qu'ils montrerent dans le combat."]
670 (return)
[ Life of James, ii. 409.; Burnet, ii. 5.]
671 (return)
[ London Gazette, June 30. 1690; Historical and Political Mercury for July 1690.]
672 (return)
[ Nottingham to William, July 15. 1690.]
673 (return)
[ Burnet, ii. 53, 54.; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, July 7. 11. 1690 London Gazette, July 14. 1690.]
674 (return)
[ Mary to William, July 3. 10. 1690; Shrewsbury to Caermarthen, July 15.]
675 (return)
[ Mary to the States General, July 12.; Burchett's Memoirs; An important Account of some remarkable Passages in the Life of Arthur, Earl of Torrington, 1691.]
676 (return)
[ London Gazette, June 19 1690; History of the Wars in Ireland by an Officer in the Royal Army, 1690,; Villare Hibernicum, 1690;. Story's Impartial History, 1691; Historical Collections relating to the town of Belfast, 1817. This work contains curious extracts from MSS. of the seventeenth century. In the British Museum is a map of Belfast made in 1685 so exact that the houses may be counted.]
677 (return)
[ Lauzun to Louvois, June 16/26. The messenger who brought the news to Lauzun had heard the guns and seen the bonfires. History of the Wars in Ireland by an Officer of the Royal Army, 1690; Lire of James, ii. 392., Orig. Mem.; Burnet, ii. 47. Burnet is strangely mistaken when he says that William had been six days in Ireland before his arrival was known to James.]
678 (return)
[ A True and Perfect Journal of the Affairs of Ireland by a Person of Quality, 1690; King, iii. 18. Luttrell's proclamation will be found in King's Appendix.]
679 (return)
[ Villare Hibernicum, 1690.]
680 (return)
[ The order addressed to the Collector of Customs will be found in Dr. Reid's History of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland.]
681 (return)
[ "La gayete peinte sur son visage," says Dumont, who saw him at Belfast, "nous fit tout esperer pour les heureux succes de la campagne."]
682 (return)
[ Story's Impartial Account; MS. Journal of Colonel Bellingham; The Royal Diary.]
683 (return)
[ Story's Impartial Account.]
684 (return)
[ Lauzun to Louvois, June 23/July 3 1690; Life of James, ii. 393, Orig. Mem.]
685 (return)
[ Story's Impartial Account; Dumont MS.]
686 (return)
[ Much interesting information respecting the field of battle and the surrounding country will be found in Mr. Wilde's pleasing volume entitled "The Beauties of the Boyne and Blackwater."]
687 (return)
[ Memorandum in the handwriting of Alexander, Earl of Marchmont. He derived his information from Lord Selkirk, who was in William's army.]
688 (return)
[ James says (Life, ii 393. Orig. Mem.) that the country afforded no better position. King, in a thanksgiving sermon which he preached at Dublin after the close of the campaign, told his hearers that "the advantage of the post of the Irish was, by all intelligent men, reckoned above three to one." See King's Thanksgiving Sermon, preached on Nov 16. 1690, before Lords Justices. This is, no doubt, an absurd exaggeration. But M. de la Hoguette, one of the principal French officers who was present at the battle of the Boyne, informed Louvois that the Irish army occupied a good defensive position, Letter of La Hoguette from Limerick, July 31/Aug 1690.]
689 (return)
[ Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, March, 1690.]
690 (return)
[ See the Historical records of the Regiments of the British army, and Story's list of the army of William as it passed in review at Finglass, a week after the battle.]
691 (return)
[ See his Funeral Sermon preached at the church of Saint Mary Aldermary on the 24th of June 1690.]
692 (return)
[ Story's Impartial History; History of the Wars in Ireland by an Officer of the Royal Army; Hop to the States General, June 30/July 10. 1690.]
693 (return)
[ London Gazette, July 7. 1690; Story's Impartial History; History of the Wars in Ireland by an Officer of the Royal Army; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Lord Marchmont's Memorandum; Burnet, ii. 50. and Thanksgiving Sermon; Dumont MS.]
694 (return)
[ La Hoguette to Louvois, July 31/Aug 10 1690.]
695 (return)
[ That I have done no injustice to the Irish infantry will appear from the accounts which the French officers who were at the Boyne sent to their government and their families. La Hoguette, writing hastily to Louvois on the 4/14th of July, says: "je vous diray seulement, Monseigneur, que nous n'avons pas este battus, mais que les ennemys ont chasses devant eux les trouppes Irlandoises comme des moutons, sans avoir essaye un seul coup de mousquet."
Writing some weeks later more fully from Limerick, he says, "J'en meurs de honte." He admits that it would have been no easy matter to win the battle, at best. "Mais il est vray aussi," he adds, "que les Irlandois ne firent pas la moindre resistance, et plierent sans tirer un seul coup." Zurlauben, Colonel of one of the finest regiments in the French service, wrote to the same effect, but did justice to the courage of the Irish horse, whom La Hoguette does not mention.
There is at the French War Office a letter hastily scrawled by Boisseleau, Lauzun's second in command, to his wife after the battle. He wrote thus: "Je me porte bien, ma chere feme. Ne t'inquieste pas de moy. Nos Irlandois n'ont rien fait qui vaille. Ils ont tous lache le pie."
Desgrigny writing on the 10/20th of July, assigns several reasons for the defeat. "La première et la plus forte est la fuite des Irlandois qui sont en verite des gens sur lesquels il ne faut pas compter du tout." In the same letter he says: "Il n'est pas naturel de croire qu'une armee de vingt cinq mille hommes qui paroissoit de la meilleure volonte du monde, et qui a la veue des ennemis faisoit des cris de joye, dut etre entierement defaite sans avoir tire l'epee et un seul coup de mousquet. Il y a en tel regiment tout entier qui a laisse ses habits, ses armes, et ses drapeaux sur le champ de bataille, et a gagne les montagnes avec ses officiers."
I looked in vain for the despatch in which Lauzun must have given Louvois a detailed account of the battle.]
696 (return)
[ Lauzun wrote to Seignelay, July 16/26 1690, "Richard Amilton a ete fait prisonnier, faisant fort bien son devoir."]
697 (return)
[ My chief materials for the history of this battle are Story's Impartial Account and Continuation; the History of the War in Ireland by an Officer of the Royal Army; the despatches in the French War Office; The Life of James, Orig. Mem. Burnet, ii. 50. 60; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; the London Gazette of July 10. 1690; the Despatches of Hop and Baden; a narrative probably drawn up by Portland, which William sent to the States General; Portland's private letter to Melville; Captain Richardson's Narrative and map of the battle; the Dumont MS., and the Bellingham MS. I have also seen an account of the battle in a Diary kept in bad Latin and in an almost undecipherable hand by one of the beaten army who seems to have been a hedge schoolmaster turned Captain. This Diary was kindly lent to me by Mr. Walker, to whom it belongs. The writer relates the misfortunes of his country in a style of which a short specimen may suffice: 1 July, 1690. "O diem illum infandum, cum inimici potiti sunt pass apud Oldbridge et nos circumdederunt et fregerunt prope Plottin. Hinc omnes fugimus Dublin versus. Ego mecum tuli Cap Moore et Georgium Ogle, et venimus hac nocte Dub."]
698 (return)
[ See Pepys's Diary, June 4. 1664. "He tells me above all of the Duke of York, that he is more himself, and more of judgment is at hand in him, in the middle of a desperate service than at other times." Clarendon repeatedly says the same. Swift wrote on the margin of his copy of Clarendon, in one place, "How old was he (James) when he turned Papist and a coward?"—in another, "He proved a cowardly Popish king."]
699 (return)
[ Pere Orleans mentions that Sarsfield accompanied James. The battle of the Boyne had scarcely been fought when it was made the subject of a drama, the Royal Flight, or the Conquest of Ireland, a Farce, 1690. Nothing more execrable was ever written. But it deserves to be remarked that, in this wretched piece, though the Irish generally are represented as poltroons, an exception is made in favour of Sarsfield. "This fellow," says James, aside, "I will make me valiant, I think, in spite of my teeth." "Curse of my stars!" says Sarsfield, after the battle. "That I must be detached! I would have wrested victory out of heretic Fortune's hands."]
700 (return)
[ Both La Hoguette and Zurlauben informed their government that it had been necessary to fire on the Irish fugitives, who would otherwise have thrown the French ranks into confusion.]
701 (return)
[ Baden to Van Citters, July 8. 1690.]
702 (return)
[ New and Perfect Journal, 1690; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]
703 (return)
[ Story; London Gazette, July 10. 1690.]
704 (return)
[ True and Perfect journal; Villare Hibernicum; Story's Impartial History.]
705 (return)
[ Story; True and Perfect journal; London Gazette, July 10 1690 Burnet, ii. 51.; Leslie's Answer to King.]
706 (return)
[ Life of James, ii. 404., Orig. Mem.; Monthly Mercury for August, 1690.]
707 (return)
[ True and Perfect journal. London Gazette, July 10 and 14. 1690; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary. In the Life of James Bonnell, Accountant General of Ireland, (1703) is a remarkable religious meditation, from which I will quote a short passage. "How did we see the Protestants on the great day of our Revolution, Thursday the third of July, a day ever to be remembered by us with the greatest thankfulness, congratulate and embrace one another as they met, like persons alive from the dead, like brothers and sisters meeting after a long absence, and going about from house to house to give each other joy of God's great mercy, enquiring of one another how they past the late days of distress and terror, what apprehensions they had, what fears or dangers they were under; those that were prisoners, how they got their liberty, how they were treated, and what, from time to time, they thought of things."]
708 (return)
[ London Gazette, July 14. 1690; Story; True and Perfect Journal; Dumont MS. Dumont is the only person who mentions the crown. As he was present, he could not be mistaken. It was probably the crown which James had been in the habit of wearing when he appeared on the throne at the King's Inns.]
709 (return)
[ Monthly Mercury for August 1690; Burnet, ii. 50; Dangeau, Aug. 2. 1690, and Saint Simon's note; The Follies of France, or a true Relation of the extravagant Rejoicings, &c., dated Paris, Aug. 8. 1690.]
710 (return)
[ "Me tiene," the Marquis of Cogolludo, Spanish minister at Rome, says of this report, "en sumo cuidado y desconsuelo, pues esta seria la ultima ruina de la causa comun."—Cogolludo to Ronquillo, Rome, Aug. 2. 1690,]
711 (return)
[ Original Letters, published by Sir Henry Ellis.]
712 (return)
[ "Del sucesso de Irlanda doy a v. Exca la enorabuena, y le aseguro no ha bastado casi la gente que tengo en la Secretaria para repartir copias dello, pues le he enbiado a todo el lugar, y la primera al Papa."—Cogolludo to Ronquillo, postscript to the letter of Aug. 2. Cogolludo, of course, uses the new style. The tidings of the battle, therefore, had been three weeks in getting to Rome.]
713 (return)
[ Evelyn (Feb. 25. 1689/90) calls it "a sweet villa."]
714 (return)
[ Mary to William, July 5. 1690.]
715 (return)
[ Mary to William, July 6. and 7. 1690; Burnet, ii. 55.]
716 (return)
[ Baden to Van Citters, July 8/18 1690.]
717 (return)
[ See two letters annexed to the Memoirs of the Intendant Foucault, and printed in the work of M. de Sirtema des Grovestins in the archives of the War Office at Paris is a letter written from Brest by the Count of Bouridal on July 11/21 1690. The Count says: "Par la relation du combat que j'ay entendu faire au Roy d'Angleterre et a plusieurs de sa suite en particulier, il ne me paroit pas qu'il soit bien informe de tout ce qui s'est passe dans cette action, et qu'il ne scait que la deroute de ses troupes."]
718 (return)
[ It was not only on this occasion that James held this language. From one of the letters quoted in the last note it appears that on his road front Brest to Paris he told every body that the English were impatiently expecting him. "Ce pauvre prince croit que ses sujets l'aiment encore."]
719 (return)
[ Life of James, ii. 411, 412.; Burnet, ii. 57; and Dartmouth's note.]
720 (return)
[ See the articles Galere and Galerien, in the Encyclopedie, with the plates; A True Relation of the Cruelties and Barbarities of the French upon the English Prisoners of War, by R. Hutton, licensed June 27. 1690.]
721 (return)
[ See the Collection of Medals of Lewis the Fourteenth.]
722 (return)
[ This anecdote, true or false, was current at the time, or soon after. In 1745 it was mentioned as a story which old people had heard in their youth. It is quoted in the Gentleman's Magazine of that year from another periodical work.]
723 (return)
[ London Gazette, July 7. 1690.]
724 (return)
[ Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]
725 (return)
[ I give this interesting passage in Van Citters's own words. "Door geheel het ryk alles te voet en te paarde in de wapenen op was; en' t gene een seer groote gerustheyt gaf was dat alle en een yder even seer tegen de Franse door de laatste voorgevallen bataille verbittert en geanimeert waren. Gelyk door de troupes, dewelke ik op de weg alomme gepasseert ben, niet anders heb konnen hooren als een eenpaarig en gener al geluydt van God bless King William en Queen Mary." July 25/Aug 4 1690.]
726 (return)
[ As to this expedition I have consulted the London Gazettes of July 24. 28. 31. Aug. 4. 1690 Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Welwood's Mercurius Reformatus, Sept. 5. the Gazette de Paris; a letter from My. Duke, a Deputy Lieutenant of Devonshire, to Hampden, dated July 25. a letter from Mr. Fulford of Fulford to Lord Nottingham, dated July 26. a letter of the same date from the Deputy Lieutenants of Devonshire to the Earl of Bath; a letter of the same date from Lord Lansdowne to the Earl of Bath. These four letters are among the MSS. of the Royal Irish Academy. Extracts from the brief are given in Lyson's Britannia. Dangeau inserted in his journal, August 16., a series of extravagant lies. Tourville had routed the militia, taken their cannon and colours burned men of war, captured richly laden merchantships, and was going to destroy Plymouth. This is a fair specimen of Dangeau's English news. Indeed he complains that it was hardly possible to get at true information about England.]
727 (return)
[ Dedication of Arthur.]
728 (return)
[ See the accounts of Anderton's Trial, 1693; the Postman of March 12. 1695/6; the Flying Post of March 7. 1700; Some Discourses upon Dr. Burnet and Dr. Tillotson, by Hickes, 1695. The appendix to these Discourses contains a curious account of the inquisition into printing offices tinder the Licensing Act.]
729 (return)
[ This was the ordinary cant of the Jacobites. A Whig writer had justly said in the preceding year, "They scurrilously call our David a man of blood, though, to this day, he has not suffered a drop to be spilt."—Alephibosheth and Ziba, licensed Aug. 30. 1689.]
730 (return)
[ "Restore unto us again the publick worship of thy name, the reverent administration of thy sacraments. Raise up the former government both in church and state, that we may be no longer without King, without priest, without God in the world."]
731 (return)
[ A Form of Prayer and Humiliation for God's Blessing upon His Majesty and his Dominions, and for Removing and Averting of God's judgments from this Church and State, 1690.]
732 (return)
[ Letter of Lloyd, Bishop of Norwich, to Sancroft, in the Tanner MSS.]
733 (return)
[ Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]
734 (return)
[ A Modest Inquiry into the Causes of the present Disasters in England, and who they are that brought the French into the English Channel described, 1690; Reflections upon a Form of Prayer lately set out for the Jacobites, 1690; A Midnight Touch at an Unlicensed Pamphlet, 1690. The paper signed by the nonjuring Bishops has often been reprinted.]
735 (return)
[ William to Heinsius, July 4/14. 1690.]
736 (return)
[ Story; London Gazette, Aug 4. 1690; Dumont MS.]
737 (return)
[ Story; William to Heinsius, July 31/Aug 10 1690; Lond. Gaz., Aug, 11.]
738 (return)
[ Mary to William, Aug. 7/15 Aug 22/Sept, Aug. 26/Sept 5 1690]
739 (return)
[ Macariae Excidium; Mac Geoghegan; Life of James, ii. 420.; London Gazette, Aug. 14. 1690.]
740 (return)
[ The impatience of Lauzun and his countrymen to get away from Ireland is mentioned in a letter of Oct. 21. 1690, quoted in the Memoirs of James, ii. 421. "Asimo," says Colonel Kelly, the author of the Macariae Excidium, "diuturnam absentiam tam aegre molesteque ferebat ut bellum in Cypro protrahi continuarique ipso ei auditu acerbissimum esset. Nec incredibile est ducum in illius exercitu nonnullos, potissimum qui patrii coeli dulcedinem impatientius suspirabant, sibi persuasisse desperatas Cypri res nulla humana ope defendi sustentarique posse." Asimo is Lauzun, and Cyprus Ireland.]
741 (return)
[ "Pauci illi ex Cilicibus aulicis, qui cum regina in Syria commorante remanserant,.... non cessabant universam nationem foede traducere, et ingestis insuper convitiis lacerare, pavidos et malefidos proditores ac Ortalium consceleratissimos publice appellando."—Macariae Excidium. The Cilicians are the English. Syria is France.]
742 (return)
[ "Tanta infamia tam operoso artificio et subtili commento in vulgus sparsa, tam constantibus de Cypriorum perfidia atque opprobrio rumoribus, totam, qua lata est, Syriam ita pervasit, ut mercatores Cyprii,.. propter inustum genti dedecus, intra domorum septa clausi nunquam prodire auderent; tanto eorum odio populus in universum exarserat."—Macariae Excidium.]
743 (return)
[ I have seen this assertion in a contemporary pamphlet of which I cannot recollect the title.]
744 (return)
[ Story; Dumont MS,]
745 (return)
[ Macariae Excidium. Boisseleau remarked the ebb and flow of courage among the Irish. I have quoted one of his letters to his wife. It is but just to quote another. "Nos Irlandois n'avoient jamais vu le feu; et cela les a surpris. Presentement, ils sont si faches de n'avoir pas fait leur devoir que je suis bien persuadé qu'ils feront mieux pour l'avenir."]
746 (return)
[ La Hoguette, writing to Louvois from Limerick, July 31/Aug 10 1690, says of Tyrconnel: "Il a d'ailleurs trop peu de connoissance e des choses de notre metier. Il a perdu absolument la confiance des officiers du pays, surtout depuis le jour de notre deroute; et, en effet, Monseigneur, je me crois oblige de vous dire que des le moment ou les ennemis parurent sur le bord de la riviere le premier jour, et dans toute la journee du lendemain, il parut a tout le monde dans une si grande lethargie qu'il etoit incapable de prendre aucun parti, quelque chose qu'on lui proposat."]
