Bernal Diaz del Castillo
The Memoirs of the Conquistador Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Vol 1 (of 2)
CHAPTER CXXXIII
How one of the vessels which Francisco de Garay had fitted out for the object of forming settlements on the river Panuco, put in at Vera Cruz, and what further happened.
While we were lying at Villa Segura, Cortes was informed by letter that one of the vessels which Garay had fitted out for the object of forming settlements on the river Panuco had arrived at Vera Cruz. This vessel was commanded by a certain Comargo, and had on board above sixty soldiers, but who were all in very bad health, with their stomachs largely swelled.
This Comargo related how unfortunately Garay's expedition to the river Panuco had terminated. The Indians had massacred the commander-in-chief Alvarez Pinedo, with the whole of his troops and horses, and then set fire to his vessels. Comargo alone had been fortunate enough to escape with his men on board one of the vessels, and had steered for Vera Cruz, where they arrived half famished, for they had not been able to procure any provisions from the enemy. This Comargo, it was said, had taken the vows of the order of the Dominicans.
Comargo and his men, by degrees, all arrived at Villa Segura; which indeed took a considerable time, for they were so weakened that they could scarcely move along. When Cortes saw in what a terrible condition they were, he recommended them to our care, and showed Comargo and all his men every possible kindness. If I remember rightly, Comargo died soon after, and also several of his men. We used to call them, jokingly, verdigris bellies, from the immense size to which the latter were swollen, and the death-like appearance of the men.
In order not to break the thread of my history too frequently, I will take this opportunity of enumerating the different vessels of Garay's expedition which arrived by degrees in Vera Cruz.
The first which came after Comargo was commanded by a native of Aragon, named Miguel Diaz, whom Garay had sent with succours to Alvarez Pinedo, who, he imagined, had run up the river Panuco. Diaz, however, meeting nowhere with any traces of him, had soon got into a conflict with the natives, by whom he was informed of the unfortunate termination of that expedition; he then again hoisted sail and made for Vera Cruz, where he disembarked his troops, consisting of upwards of fifty men and seven horses, with which he immediately repaired to Cortes' head-quarters. These were the most valuable succours we ever received, and certainly they could not have come more opportunely.
This Miguel Diaz subsequently rendered our emperor the most signal services in the conquest of New Spain. He was for some time engaged in a lawsuit respecting the possession of half Mistitan, with a brother-in-law of Cortes, named Andreas de Barrios, of Seville, whom he commonly termed the dancer. This lawsuit terminated in his favour in this way, that he was to receive the whole of the yearly rents of that estate, amounting annually to above 2500 pesos; but he himself was prohibited from setting foot in that district for the space of two years, for having there, as well as in other townships belonging to him, put several Indians to death.
A few days after this vessel another arrived in Vera Cruz, which Garay had likewise despatched for the protection of his armament in the river Panuco, where he thought all was going on prosperously. This vessel brought above forty men, ten horses, and various kinds of ammunition, and was commanded by an elderly man named Ramirez, whom we called the elder to distinguish him from another Ramirez, who served in our troops. In this way Garay lost one ship after another, and no one derived any advantage from them excepting Cortes and ourselves. All these troops arrived by degrees in Tepeaca, and respectively obtained some by-name or other from our men. Those of Diaz, who were all stout, fat fellows; were called the stiff-backs, and those of Ramirez, pack-saddles, because they all wore heavy cotton cuirasses, which no arrow could pierce. The officers, as the reader may imagine, received most distinguished treatment from Cortes.
I have now, however, to speak of another expedition, of which Cortes gave the command to Sandoval, and was directed against the tribes of Xalatzinco and Zacatemi.
CHAPTER CXXXIV
How Cortes despatches Sandoval with 200 men, among which were twenty horse and twelve crossbow-men, to punish the tribes of Xalatzinco and Zacatemi, for having put some Spaniards to death, and to demand restitution of the gold they had robbed us of; and also further to explore the country.
After we had received these reinforcements, first the twenty-five men and three horses, which arrived in the two small vessels sent by Diego Velasquez, and then the 120 men, with the seventeen horses which arrived in Garay's vessels, we learnt that many of Narvaez's men on their retreat from Mexico had been murdered in the townships of Zacatemi and Xalatzinco; likewise that the inhabitants of these places had plundered and killed Juan de Alcantara and his two companions who were returning from Tlascalla with the gold above mentioned. Cortes, therefore, ordered Sandoval, a remarkably bold and clever officer, to march against them with 200 men, composed for the greater part of Cortes' old soldiers, among which there were twenty horse and twelve crossbow-men, to which was added a strong body of Tlascallans.
Sandoval, on his march thither, received intelligence that the inhabitants were all under arms, and had put these towns in a good state of defence; and were, moreover, assisted by a powerful body of Mexicans. They well foresaw that we should equally chastise them for the Spaniards they had murdered, as we had the Tepeacans, Quauhquechollans, and Tecalcans.
Sandoval placed his troops in the most advantageous manner, and explained to the cavalry how they were to break through the enemy's line. But previous to entering on the enemy's territory he sent messengers with offers of peace to them, and to demand the gold they had stolen, with promises that he would pardon the murder of the Spaniards. These messengers went several times to the enemy with these offers, but each time returned with the same answer, namely, that they would serve Sandoval and his soldiers in the same manner as they had those teules, respecting whom he now came to make inquiries. Sandoval then sent them word that he would treat them as traitors and highwaymen, and turn them all into slaves; they might therefore prepare for a struggle for life or death. He then fell upon them from two several points at the same time, and though the Mexicans, as well as the inhabitants, defended themselves with great bravery, he nevertheless soon put them to flight, and captured numbers of the commoner people, whom, however, he set at liberty again, for want of men to guard them. In one of the temples he found a quantity of clothes, arms, and horse-trappings, among which were two saddles; all of which the Indians had brought as offerings to their idols.
In this place Sandoval stayed three days, during which time the caziques of the country came to beg pardon of him, and to take the oath of allegiance to his majesty; but he informed them they must return the stolen gold before he could think of granting their request. To which the caziques answered, that the Mexicans had taken away all the gold, and presented it to their new king. Upon this Sandoval referred them to Cortes himself, and he marched back to our head-quarters, with a great number of women and young men, whom he had taken prisoners, and marked with the iron.
Cortes was highly delighted at beholding these troops return in so good a condition, though they had three horses killed and eight men heavily wounded, among whom was Sandoval himself, who had been struck by an arrow. For myself, I was not present in this expedition, for I was suffering severely at the time from fever and spitting of blood; but thank God I recovered, after frequent bleeding.
The caziques of Xalatzinco and Zacatemi, besides several other chiefs of the neighbouring districts, now came to Cortes; they begged for peace, took the oath of allegiance to our emperor, and furnished us with provisions.
This expedition was attended by many beneficial results; for the whole country was thereby tranquillized, while it spread a vast idea of Cortes' justice and bravery throughout the whole of New Spain; so that every one feared him, and particularly Quauhtemoctzin, the new king of Mexico. Indeed Cortes' authority rose at once to so great a height, that the inhabitants came from the most distant parts to lay their disputes before him, particularly respecting the election of caziques, right of tenure, and division of property and subjects. About this time thousands of people were carried off by the smallpox, and among them numbers of caziques; and Cortes, as though he had been lord of the whole country, appointed the new caziques, but made a point of nominating those who had the best claim.
Such a case happened with a near relative of Motecusuma, who was married to the sovereign of Itztucan, by whom she had a son, who was acknowledged as nephew to Motecusuma; the point in dispute being who the heir was to that principality, this nephew, or some other grandee of the country. Cortes decided in favour of Motecusuma's nephew, and they adhered to his decision. Numerous similar disputes were brought for Cortes' arbitration, even from the most distant districts.
About this time we also learnt that nine of our countrymen had been put to death in the township Cocotlan, called by us Castel Blanco, being about twenty-four miles from our head-quarters. Sandoval therefore was ordered thither, with thirty horse, one hundred foot, eight crossbow-men, five musketeers, and a strong body of Tlascallans, who always proved themselves faithful friends and brave warriors. Here again Sandoval sent five distinguished personages of Tepeaca to the Cocotlans with the usual offers of peace, accompanied by threats; but as there was a strong garrison of Mexicans lying in the town, they returned for answer that they had already a king in Quauhtemoctzin, and wanted no other; nor did they see any reason why they should send us ambassadors. They would meet us on the field of battle; their strength was as great now as it was in Mexico, at the bridges, and the canals; and how much our valour had availed us there they had sufficiently experienced.
On receiving this answer, Sandoval regulated the order of attack, in which the instructions he gave the Tlascallans were remarkable, namely, that they should not rush in upon the enemy at the same moment with the Spaniards, for fear of shying our horses, and lest they should expose themselves to the fire of our muskets, as had often been the case on previous occasions. They were commanded to remain stationary until the enemy was routed, and then follow in pursuit.
Having made these regulations, Sandoval marched towards the township. He had not advanced far before he came up with two bodies of the enemy, who had taken up a position in a hollow at the back of a barricade, which had been constructed of trees cut for the purpose. For a time the enemy's troops fought with desperate courage; but Sandoval kept up so sharp a fire upon them with the crossbows and muskets, that he soon was enabled to force a passage with the horse. In this attack four of his men and nine horses were wounded, one of which died soon after. Though the number of loose stones here were great obstacles to the cavalry, yet he succeeded in breaking through the enemy's ranks, and he advanced up to the town itself, in front of which stood a large building and fortification, besides several temples, in which other detachments of the enemy were stationed. Here Sandoval encountered a momentary and desperate resistance, but the Indians were again beaten, with seven killed. The Tlascallans now no longer waited the signal for pursuit, but rushed forward the more bravely, as this district lay near to their own territory. Numbers of females and people of the lower classes were taken prisoners.
After this victory, Sandoval remained there two days, and despatched one of the Tepeacan chiefs to the caziques of the district to summon them into his presence. They were not long before they made their appearance, and begged forgiveness for the murder of the Spaniards. He told them this would be granted on condition they delivered up all the property they had found on those they had put to death. They answered, however, that this was out of their power, since everything had been burnt, but owned that the greater part of the Spaniards had been eaten up by themselves, and that five had been sent alive to Quauhtemoctzin in Mexico. They had now, they thought, received sufficient chastisement for those they had murdered by the losses they had sustained in this battle; they hoped, therefore, he would pardon them, and they would, in return, furnish us with excellent provisions, and also forward a large supply to Malinche's head-quarters. Sandoval, finding that nothing further was to be got out of them, granted their request, for which they appeared very grateful, and offered to do him all manner of good services. Sandoval now returned with his troops to Tepeaca, and met with a most hearty reception from us all.
CHAPTER CXXXV
How all the slaves we had taken in Tepeaca, Quauhquechola, Tecalco, and Castilblanco, were brought together in our head-quarters, and branded with an iron, in his majesty's name.
After peace had thus been restored to the whole province, and the inhabitants had submitted to the sceptre of his majesty, Cortes, finding there was nothing further to be done at present, determined, with the crown officers, to mark all the slaves with the iron, and set apart the fifth of them for his majesty. Notice was, therefore, given that every person was to come with his slaves to a certain house appointed for the purpose, that they might be marked with the red-hot iron. Every man, accordingly, brought the females and young men he had taken prisoners; for grown-up men were of no use to us, as they were so difficult to watch, and we cared not to admit them into our service, as we were well satisfied with the Tlascallans. After all the slaves had been brought together and severally marked with the letter G, the emperor's fifths and then Cortes' were deducted before we were aware of it; and, besides this, on the night preceding, the finest of the Indian females had been secretly set apart, so that when it came to a division among us soldiers, we found none left but old and ugly women. This occasioned excessive murmuring against Cortes and all those who had thus picked and chosen before us; and some of Narvaez's men told Cortes to his face that they were not aware, up to the present moment, there were two kings in the Spanish dominions, and that two royal fifths could be demanded. A certain Juan Bono, who was also loud in his complaints, added, that such proceedings should not be permitted in New Spain, and that he would send information of it to his majesty and the council of India. Another soldier asked Cortes if the division he had made of the gold in Mexico was not a sufficient imposition? for, at first, he had merely spoken of 300,000 pesos, but when we were obliged to retreat from the city, it was estimated at 700,000 pesos. And now he was going to deprive the poor soldier, who had undergone so many hardships, and suffered from innumerable wounds, of this small remuneration, and not even allow him a pretty Indian female for a companion! When notice was given, continued he, that each person was to produce his prisoners, in order that they might be marked, it was thought they would have been valued, and that the emperor's fifths would have been deducted therefrom in money, and that no mention would have been made of fifths for Cortes.
Similar and even severer speeches were in every one's mouth respecting Cortes' fifths, until the latter began to consider it high time to pacify these daring spirits. He stated, therefore, and swore upon his conscience, (for this was his usual oath,) that it should not happen in future, but that all the prisoners should be valued, and sold at their valuation, which would put a stop to all further discontent on that head. This resolution was subsequently adhered to, particularly after the conquest of Tezcuco, where we took a vast number of prisoners.
If this circumstance had occasioned ill blood, another of a different nature occasioned worse. The reader will remember that, on the night of sorrows, after as much of the gold had been stowed away as could be, Cortes had given what remained as prize-money to the soldiers. Many of Narvaez's men and several of ours had dived deep into the gold, and most of those who had overloaded themselves with it lost their lives in the retreat. Several, however, had had the good fortune to escape with their treasures, but had paid dearly for it with severe wounds and the risk of their lives.
When Cortes learnt that there were still a great many bars of gold among the men, and heavy gambling in consequence, (for, according to the old saying, gold and love cannot lie long concealed,) he made known, under threats of severe punishment, that every one should produce the gold he had obtained on the night of our retreat from Mexico, of which one third was to be returned to him; but that any one who refused to pay this, should have the whole taken from him. Many of our men refused downright to comply with this; yet Cortes managed to extort a good deal of it under the pretence of a loan: but, as most of the officers and crown officials had also well stocked themselves with gold on that occasion, Cortes suddenly dropped the question, and nothing further was heard of it. It is certain, however, that this circumstance injured him vastly in every one's opinion.
CHAPTER CXXXVI
How the chief officers and principal personages of Narvaez's troops request leave to return to Cuba, which Cortes grants, and they accordingly leave; also how our general sends ambassadors to Spain, St. Domingo, and Jamaica.
The officers of Narvaez's troops and those who had come from Jamaica in Garay's expedition, seeing that the whole province of Tepeaca was now tranquillized, begged Cortes would fulfil his promise, and allow them to depart for Cuba; who not only granted them their request, but promised them, and particularly Duero and Bermudez, that he would give them much more gold after the total conquest of New Spain and Mexico, than they had previously received. In the meantime he furnished them with provisions of the kinds we had, consisting in maise, salted dog's flesh, and fowls. He likewise gave them one of our best vessels, and sent by them letters to his wife Catalina Suarez de Mercayda, and to his brother-in-law Juan Suarez, who was then staying at Cuba. These letters were accompanied by a few bars of gold and some jewels, and contained, among other things, an account of our overthrow at Mexico.
All those who left New Spain on that occasion had accumulated great riches, and I will give their names, as far as my memory permits. Duero, Bermudez, Bono, Bernardino Quesada, Francisco Velasquez, with the hunchback, a relation of the governor of Cuba; Carrasco, who afterwards returned to New Spain, and now lives at Puebla; Melchior de Velasco, of Guatimala; a certain Ximenes, who lives at Quaxaca, and was obliged to go to Cuba on account of his son; the accountant Leon de Cervantes, who made the same excuse to see his daughter there, for whom he concluded a most excellent match after the conquest of Mexico; Maldonado de Medellin was forced to leave on account of ill health; the other of that name, who was surnamed the proud, and was married to a lady named Maria Arias, likewise left us; further, a certain Vargas, of Trinidad, who, at Cuba, was commonly called the gallant; lastly, one of Cortes' old warriors, the pilot Cardenas, who said to one of his companions, "We soldiers may now take our repose, since New Spain has two kings." Cortes had presented him with 300 pesos, to induce him to return with his wife and family. Besides these men, there were many others whose names I have forgotten, which, indeed, is a good thing, for it prevents me from going too much into detail.
As soon as Cortes had given them permission to leave, we asked him why he had allowed them to depart, as he knew there would be so few of us remaining? Cortes said he had done so to rid himself of their eternal complaints and solicitations. We likewise knew that many of them were not fit for service, and it was better to be alone than in bad company.
Pedro de Alvarado was commissioned to see them safe on board, with orders to return immediately to head-quarters after they had left.
About this time Cortes also despatched Ordas and Alonso de Mendoza on business to Spain, but for what particular purpose he never told us. We only heard that the bishop of Burgos told Ordas to his face that we were all villains and traitors, and that Ordas had boldly defended us. The latter, on this occasion, was made comptoir of Santiago, and received permission from the emperor to assume a burning mountain in his coat of arms. What he further did in Spain I will relate hereafter.
Alonso de Avila, who was treasurer of New Spain, and Alvarez Chico, another thorough man of business, were despatched in another vessel to St. Domingo to render an account of all we had done to the royal court of audience there, and to the Hieronymite brothers, who were appointed viceroys over the whole of the islands, to gain their approbation of our proceedings against Narvaez, and their sanction of the manner in which we had enslaved and punished the inhabitants who had murdered the Spaniards and rebelled against his majesty: and their opinion as to whether Cortes should not similarly punish all those tribes who, as allies of the Mexicans, had been guilty of like offences. Lastly, Cortes begged of them to inform his majesty of all this, and of the great services we had rendered and still daily rendered to the crown; and requested them to favour our just cause against the bishop of Burgos, who was striving to work out our ruin.
A third vessel was despatched by Cortes to Jamaica, to purchase horses there, the command of which was given to Solis, who was the son-in-law of the bachelor Ortega. Here the reader might be induced to ask whence Cortes obtained the money to do all this? In reply to which, I can only say that of the gold stowed away by Narvaez's and our own troops, particularly by the horse, a great quantity was certainly saved. Besides that, many of the eighty Tlascallans, who were loaded with the gold, and retreated from Mexico in the vanguard, got safely over the bridges. We poor soldiers, who had not to command but to obey, cared very little at that time whether there was plenty of gold or not, but were happy if we escaped alive and were able to cure our wounds. However, of the gold that was saved, Cortes received as much back as he could possibly lay his hands on; our men likewise suspected that he had put into his own pocket again the 40,000 pesos, being the share of the Mexican treasure belonging to the garrison of Vera Cruz. With this money he sent persons to Spain and St. Domingo on his own private business, and others to Jamaica to purchase horses.
Perfect tranquillity being now again restored to the province of Tepeaca, Cortes marched back with his troops to Tlascalla, and left Francisco de Orozco behind, with twenty invalid soldiers, as commandant of Villa Segura.
Cortes then ordered the necessary quantity of wood to be felled for building thirteen brigantines, with which another attack was to be made upon Mexico; for we were convinced we should not be able to make any impression upon that town without a small fleet, nor ever again be able to enter it by the causeways. Martin Lopez was appointed by Cortes to superintend the important business of constructing these brigantines, for he was not only a good soldier, but, upon the whole, rendered his majesty the greatest services in all our warlike operations. On this occasion again, he set to work with his usual assiduity, and it was very fortunate that this man had been with us from the beginning; for, if we had been forced to send for a ship-builder from Spain, we should have lost much valuable time, and we might not have found a man who suited so well.
On our arrival in Tlascalla, we found that our old friend Maxixcatzin, one of his majesty's most faithful vassals, was no more, he having died of the smallpox. We were all sorely grieved at this loss, and Cortes himself, as he assured us, felt it as much as if he had lost his own father. We put on black cloaks in mourning for him, and paid the last honours to the remains of our departed friend, in conjunction with his sons and relations.
A dispute having arisen in Tlascalla respecting the heir to the caziquedom, Cortes pronounced in favour of the deceased's son, in accordance with the last wishes of his late father. Maxixcatzin, on his death-bed, strongly advised his whole family to remain faithful to Malinche and his brothers; for they, he said, were certainly those people for whom the dominion of these countries had been predestined.
However, let us leave the dead in peace, and turn to the living. The elder Xicotencatl, Chichimeclatecl, and the other caziques of Tlascalla, one and all gladly offered their assistance to Cortes in cutting wood for the building of the brigantines, and generally to aid in prosecuting the war against Mexico.
Cortes gave them all a hearty embrace, and thanked them for their great kindness, especially Chichimeclatecl and Xicotencatl, the latter of whom eventually became a convert to Christianity, and was baptized by father Olmedo with every solemnity, and received the name of Don Lorenzo de Vargas.
In the meantime the preparations for the building of our brigantines were going on very fast; the wood being soon felled and prepared for use with the assistance of the Indians; an excellent soldier named Andreas Nuñez, and Ramirez the elder, an old carpenter who had been lamed by a wound, rendering most efficient services. Matters being thus far advanced, Cortes sent for a quantity of ironwork, anchors, sails, and ropes, from the vessels which had been destroyed at Vera Cruz, and ordered all the smiths of that town to repair to Tlascalla. Above 1000 Indians were despatched thither to transport these things. The cauldrons for boiling and preparing the tar were likewise brought from Vera Cruz, and we were now only in want of the materials for making it, the preparation of which was wholly unknown to the Indians; but here again Cortes was not at a loss, for he picked out four men from among the sailors who understood its preparation, and for that purpose sent them off to a forest of pine trees near Huexotzinco.
Though it may, perhaps, be rather out of place here, I must answer a question which has been put to me by several cavaliers respecting Alonso de Avila, with whom they were well acquainted. They knew that this man, though treasurer of New Spain, was, at the same time, an excellent soldier, and felt more inclination for the life of a warrior than for business; they could not, therefore, imagine why Cortes should exactly have selected him to confer with the Hieronymite brothers at St. Domingo, and that he had not rather chosen some person of more business-like habits; as, for instance, Alonso de Grado, or Juan de Cacares, called the wealthy, or others whose names they mentioned to me. Cortes had no other motive than to get Avila out of the way, because he spoke his mind too freely, and took every occasion to side with us soldiers if he saw we were unjustly dealt with. To this was added, that the latter had fallen out with several of our officers, from a frankness of disposition displeasing to them. And, lastly, Cortes was desirous of conferring the command of a company on Andreas de Tapia, and of appointing Alonso de Grado treasurer, both of which were only possible by removing Avila.
Cortes now determined to march, with the whole of his men, to Tezcuco, as the wood for constructing the brigantines was ready prepared, and we had got rid of Narvaez's men, who made difficulties in all our expeditions, and always argued against any attempt to besiege Mexico, maintaining we were not sufficiently numerous for that purpose; by which means they infected others with their cowardice. Previous to our leaving for Tezcuco, however, various deliberations took place as to which would be the most eligible spot for launching our brigantines. Some of our men maintained that Ayotzinco, near to Chalco, on account of its canals and harbour, was better adapted for this purpose; others, again, preferred Tezcuco, and were of opinion that, once having taken possession of that town, standing as it did in the midst of so many other populous townships, we should be better able to plan our operations against Mexico.
We had scarcely decided in favour of the latter place, when three men arrived with the news from Vera Cruz that a large Spanish vessel had run in there from the Canaries, having on board a quantity of crossbows, muskets, powder, and other ammunition, besides three horses and thirteen soldiers. The owner of the cargo was a certain Juan de Burgos, and the captain of the vessel was named Francisco Medel.
The reader may easily imagine our joy at this news; and if we had previously felt in good spirits for our intended expedition, we now felt the more so on hearing of the arrival of these timely succours. Cortes immediately bargained with Burgos for the whole of the ammunition and cargo, who himself, with Medel and all the passengers, came to our head-quarters, where they met with the kindest reception. Among the passengers there was a certain rich man, named Juan del Espinar, who once lived in Guatimala; further, a certain Sagredo, from Medellin; a Biscayan, named Monjaraz, uncle of the other two of that name serving among us. This Monjaraz had a very beautiful daughter, who subsequently came to Mexico, and was commonly called Monjaraza. But this Monjaraz did not accompany us in any of our expeditions, as he was always suffering from ill health. It was not until we had laid regular siege to Mexico that he came to us in good health, and told us he was desirous of seeing how we carried on this war, and our mode of attacking the Mexicans, of whose bravery he entertained a very mean opinion. On this occasion he mounted to the top of an Indian temple, which was shaped like a tower; from that moment, however, we never saw him again, nor did we ever learn how the Mexicans got at him, or what became of him. Many persons who had known him on the island of St. Domingo saw the hand of God in his sudden death: for they related that he had put his own wife, a most virtuous, excellent, and beautiful woman, to death, without any cause or provocation; and that he had escaped punishment for his crime by proving, through false witnesses, she had attempted to poison him. I must, however, leave these old tales, and begin earnestly to think of our march to Tezcuco.
