Foreign Policy of Turkmenistan in the Late XX – Early XXI Centuries
Gulnira Dzhamieva

© Gulnira Dzhamieva, 2023

ISBN 978-5-0060-7755-3

Created with Ridero smart publishing system

PREFACE

Turkmenistan is located in southwestern Central Asia. Its territory is 488.1 thousand square meters. km Turkmenistan occupies a favorable geographical position. The country is objectively a “bridge” between Europe, the European CIS states, the central part of Russia, on the one hand, and the vast regions of Central and South Asia, on the other. On land, Turkmenistan borders Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Afghanistan and Iran, has access to the Caspian Sea.

Turkmenistan is rich in various minerals. The country has large reserves of mercury, sulfur, ozokerite, and what is important for the arid desert climate, sources of fresh drinking and mineral medicinal water. Turkmenistan is also known for other natural wealth, which is in great demand in the world market.

A factor of strategic importance that can determine the historical fate of Turkmenistan is the presence of large reserves of oil and gas in the republic. Turkmenistan ranked 2nd even in such the largest fuel and energy power that was the USSR. And at present, Turkmenistan ranks 4th in the world in terms of gas production. Today, more than 80 billion cubic meters of gas and 6 million tons of oil are produced annually from the fields already in operation. In addition to this, several more large promising oil and gas fields have been discovered on the territory of the republic. Their development will allow in the future to increase oil production three times, and gas twice. Proven gold reserves allow the republic to create its own gold reserves.

Turkmenistan is a small state in terms of population, which, according to modern estimates, is slightly more than 6 million people.

The demographic potential in the republic is considered prosperous. Fertility rates (32.0 people/thousand people. population) significantly exceed mortality rates (7.7). The annual population growth is 24.3. At the same time, about half of the population is people under the age of 30. Problems such as aging of the population, stopping or negative indicator of natural growth, the republic is practically not threatened.

The choice of the topic under study is due to the fact that so far in Tajik science there has not been a generalizing study on the problem of Turkmenistan in the system of international relations in the late XX – early XXI centuries. The author first attempted to summarize the available data to create a comprehensive analytical work on the history of Turkmenistan’s relations in the late XX – early XXI centuries.

Number of studies are devoted to the analysis of the problem of relations between Turkmenistan and regional and external actors are. In the work “Foreign Policy of Russia in the CIS” by Butorov S. A. (Dushanbe – 2009), discussed the issues of interaction between the Russian Federation and the countries of Central Asia, the prospect and problems of developing relations within the framework of bilateral relations, the state of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation in relation to this region, in the document “Concept of Turkmenistan’s foreign policy as a neutral independent state, directions and vectors of cooperation between Turkmenistan and external actors. The book “Springs of Friendship” by A. Iskandarov (Moscow – 2000) helps to analyze the situation in Turkmenistan, starting with the period of independence and the establishment of diplomatic relations between Turkmenistan and Tajikistan. In the book “The Second Chance of Central Asia” by Martha B. O. (Washington – 2005), describes the processes. Occurring in Central Asian states after the events of September 11, 2001. The role and place of post-Soviet states in resolving the situation in Afghanistan, as well as ensuring regional security. Among them are the works of Vengerov A. B. Political space and political time (experience in structuring concepts), Z. Agamamedova’s article “Neutrality of Turkmenistan,” which reveals the true reasons for Turkmenistan’s position in international affairs, as well as the role of positive neutrality in the implementation of the country’s foreign policy activities. Esenov M., Foreign Policy of Turkmenistan and Its Influence on the System of “Regional Security,” article by Peresesnin M. (Ashgabat – 2007) “Eurodebut Turkmenistan and the European Union have developed algorithms for rapprochement.”

Separately, the work of Ashimbayev M. S., Laumulin M. T., Tukumova E. V., Guseva L. Yu., Kalieva D. A., Kozhikhova A. G. (KISI – 2003), “Central Asia before and after September 11: geopolitics and security” should be indicated. This paper considers almost all aspects of the relationship between the countries of Central Asia.

This study was carried out at the Department of International Relations of the Russian-Tajik (Slavic) University under the guidance of G.M. Maitdinova, Doctor of Historical Sciences.

The author expresses his gratitude for the support of G.M. Maitdinova, Doctor of Historical Sciences; Head of the Department of International Relations, Candidate of Historical Sciences, Associate Professor M. Shovkoplyas; Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor Latifov D. L.; First Deputy Director of the Center for Strategic Studies under the President of the Republic of Tajikistan, Candidate of Philosophical Sciences, Professor S. Safarov; Candidate of Historical Sciences, Associate Professor A. Rakhmonov.

CHAPTER I. FOREIGN POLICY VECTORS OF COOPERATION IN TURKMENISTAN: EVOLUTION AND PRIORITIES

The modern Turkmen state arose as a result of the largest geopolitical changes in recent history. The formation of Turkmen statehood, including its most important attribute, as an independent foreign policy, takes place in parallel with the continuation of the processes of national and cultural self-determination of the peoples of Turkmenistan. At the same time, it is the political and scientific elite that should ideally strive to make this process natural and stable, which, in turn, is impossible in the context of the forced assertion of any one, dominant point of view on what is happening.

Over the past 31 years, the model of internal political development of a particular republic has largely been determined. In this direction, the choice has already been made. However, to this day, the main question remains open – about foreign policy priorities and the creation of a sustainable system of state and regional security.

Currently, the concept of Turkmen statehood, including its foreign policy component, is still being understood and initially formalized. It will also determine the stages of the formation of the system of relations between Turkmenistan and the CIS countries, with its neighbors in the region, with the leading states of the world – that is, the place and role of Turkmenistan in the system of international relations.

Turkmenistan’s foreign policy is currently determined by a number of factors related to its economic and socio-political interests, the current situation in the region, as well as the general geopolitical situation. Among these factors should be highlighted the neutral status of Turkmenistan, the huge reserves of natural gas in the country and the desire to maximize its exports, a significant change in the political situation in Central Asia after the defeat of the Taliban and the arrival of Western, primarily American troops in the region. These factors also include the problems of the legal status of the Caspian Sea that have not yet been resolved.

§1. EVOLUTION OF FOREIGN POLICY CONCEPT AND TURKMEN POLICY OF NEUTRALITY

The most important factors of Turkmenistan’s foreign policy operate in the public sphere.

In general, the economy of Turkmenistan is developing dynamically, for example, today the volume of exports of raw materials and various goods exceeds the volume of imports by one quarter and amounts to $8 billion. Turkmenistan is a leading producer not only in the CIS, but also in the world, of a number of chemicals: sulfur, iodine, iron bromide, rare earth metals. The republic is a major electricity producer.

The objective basis of Turkmenistan’s foreign policy is the very fact of the existence of an independent Turkmen state.

The fundamental basis for developing a foreign policy course was the first documents of the new independent Turkmenistan. These primarily include the Declaration on State Sovereignty of the Turkmen USSR.

To explain the thesis put forward, we give a number of examples. Thus, the wealth of natural resources of Turkmenistan is combined with a lag in the development of the manufacturing industry. Harnessing the benefits of geographical location faces significant difficulties due to the lack of modern transport infrastructure. The population of the republic is extremely unevenly located, which is concentrated, in fact, around the five main centers with the most favorable natural conditions and a developed social and industrial environment. The orientation towards the deep modernization of independent Turkmenistan in practice stated in the fundamental political documents is implemented in the context of the political tradition of the Eastern life structure society.

It is the specified internal complexity, inconsistency of common (non-systemic) factors of Turkmenistan’s foreign policy that determines the qualitative specifics of the content of its objective prerequisites.

The existence of an independent Turkmen state was already emphasized for the foreign policy of Turkmenistan. At the same time, it should be borne in mind that nowadays Turkmen statehood is taking, in fact, the first steps towards independent development.

Today, Turkmenistan’s geopolitical position has changed dramatically. If earlier the republic was part of the global system, which in many ways “automatically” for the country determined its place in regional relations with other states (Iran, Afghanistan), now Turkmenistan has become the site of a clash of regional centers of power: Iran, Turkey, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan. Each of these centers, not to mention Russia, joined the struggle for the predominant influence in the geopolitical and economic spaces of Turkmenistan, control over which will allow them to gain undoubted benefits.

Having left the geopolitical super system of the former USSR, Turkmenistan found itself in the position of a closed, continental country. Only in the Caspian Sea can it freely communicate with its closest neighbors, in other cases, contacts with other states, and even more so with “far abroad,” largely turned out to be depending on the favor of third states. The problem of establishing, in fact, again the system of political and economic communication faced Turkmenistan in full growth. Indeed, even in order to benefit from the presence of large reserves of hydrocarbons, Turkmenistan is forced to seek the direct or indirect consent of its neighbors, who, in turn, pursue their own interests.

Ensuring national security in the new conditions is also possible either on a multilateral basis, within the CIS, or independently, and the latter is practically impossible due to the lack of sufficient funds for this. Turkmenistan’s participation simultaneously in the CIS and the OER, as well as in other international organizations, contributes to the conflict-prone situation of “prize struggle” between various applicants for approval, including by force, of their understanding of “security guarantees.” It was a similar situation that resulted in a bloody armed confrontation between various groups in Tajikistan.

Thus, Turkmenistan faces a choice: whether to build its foreign policy on a Eurasian basis with the priority of an alliance with the CIS countries, whether to get involved in the Middle Eastern regionalism of Islamic states, or, together with Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, build an independent Central Asian subsystem of international relations. An attempt to claim independence, and therefore not joining any of these systems (subsystems), firstly, will require agreement on such a role for Turkmenistan of the main “centers of power” associated with it, which is very unlikely, and secondly, it will require the use of such a volume of various resources, which are also very problematic to find.

An important geopolitical reserve for ensuring relative independence in Turkmenistan’s foreign policy is the prospect of establishing its relations with such a still influential subject of the global geopolitical system of the world as the Non-Aligned Movement. Now it includes over 100 countries in Asia, Africa, Latin America and Europe. The 11th Conference of Foreign Ministers of the Non-Aligned Movement, held in Cairo in June 1994, noted at the same time that the important role of non-aligned countries in the modern world and the need for a deep renewal of the philosophy and concept of non-aligned countries. In international relations, non-alignment manifests itself in three forms: as the foreign policy doctrine of most developing countries, as the specific foreign policy course of these countries and as a kind of interstate political association of independent states. Turkmenistan, benefiting from considerable geopolitical benefits, could intensify efforts to integrate the renewal of the Non-Aligned Movement into diverse processes.

The considered variety of prerequisites for the formation of Turkmenistan’s foreign policy should still be fully understood by politicians. On this basis alone, it can be no coincidence that there is an awareness of the foundations of the consistency of the state’s foreign policy activities, namely the definition of its subjects, basic needs, interests, basic values, goals and objectives.

Taking into account the cultural and historical community of participants in the foreign policy process, Turkmenistan should be provided with relatively independent directions of its foreign policy:

related to building relations with Turkish-speaking countries, with countries of Central Asia, the Middle and Middle East;

with European states;

with countries that are leading representatives of other world cultures.

The culture, language, traditions of the Turkmen people are historically associated with the peoples of Turkic-speaking, Muslim states, and their artificial division during the period of domination of totalitarianism in the USSR had very difficult consequences. It must be admitted that the people of Turkmenistan have to some extent departed from their national and cultural origins, which, in turn, led to a certain historical disorientation of the nation. Therefore, the establishment of good-neighborly relations with neighboring Central Asian states will undoubtedly become a priority direction of Turkmenistan’s foreign policy.

At the jubilee session of the UN General Assembly, which opened in New York on October 22, 1995, Turkmenistan spoke and the world community received it with complete unanimity.

December 12, 1995 on the basis of UN General Assembly Resolution No. 50/80. Turkmenistan is proclaimed a permanent neutral state. By virtue of its goals and objectives as defined by the Charter and its general interest in a peace-loving policy, the UNGA has followed the path of supporting, recognizing Turkmenistan’s neutrality and ensuring guarantees of existence. Thus, the resolution emphasizes that the UN “expressing the hope that the status of permanent neutrality of Turkmenistan will contribute to the strengthening of peace and security in the region, recognizes and supports the status of permanent neutrality proclaimed by Turkmenistan.”

Support of the UN is a rare occurrence in more than half a century of the history of this international organization.

Neutrality is one of the most important forms of monitoring the implementation of international humanitarian law. For more than half a century of the existence of the UN, the content of many international legal institutions has received new development and needs to be clarified. It seems necessary to clarify and supplement the content of the Institute of Neutrality, since more than enough time has passed since its inception as an international legal category. During this period, many neutral states appeared in the world. It should be emphasized that Turkmenistan’s neutrality differs from other similar states in terms of the method and conditions of acquisition. For example, in historical terms, the institution of neutrality arose in the science of humanitarian law in armed conflicts (more precisely, the “law of war” developed by Hugo Grotsiy) and was long considered as a way of non-participation of the country in armed conflict. The expression of this approach was the neutral status of Switzerland.

There is an opinion that constant neutrality leads to self-isolation of Turkmenistan. Those concerns are not true. The freedom of action of a neutral state is so great that Finland and Sweden participate not only in the political, but also in the military actions of the UN. Neutral status allows them to strengthen their international authority. Thanks to their neutrality, Switzerland, Sweden, Finland – small states, somewhat commensurate in status with Turkmenistan, were able to develop active economic, trade and other ties with members of different blocs and that is why they became one of the most developed countries.

Neutral status Turkmenistan opens up wide opportunities for it to pursue its peace-loving foreign policy, active, positive line in the development of peaceful, friendly relations with foreign partners on the principles of equality, mutual respect, mutually beneficial and non-interference in the internal affairs of other states.

For the fourteenth year, Turkmenistan has been acting in the international arena as an officially recognized constantly neutral state. He reaffirmed his continued commitment to the international obligations undertaken in this capacity: the neutral status was decisive for Turkmenistan in determining its approaches and positions on any issues of bilateral relations, regional and world policy. Neutral Turkmenistan did not join any military, military-political bloc, union, alliance, any international structure with strict regulatory functions or imply collective responsibility, strictly and strictly adhered to the principles of peacefulness, equality, good neighborliness, non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries. Turkmenistan was actively involved in the activities of the international community aimed at ensuring peace, harmony and constructive cooperation.

The foreign policy of neutral Turkmenistan, being a logical continuation of its domestic policy, is an example of the embodiment of the conceptual ideas of Saparmurat Turkmenbashi on the transition of an Asian, traditional type of society to a new, democratic state. Turkmenistan’s neutrality contributed to the creation of a socio-political atmosphere that allowed the evolutionary way to form the main elements of a democratic society in Turkmenistan. This formation:

democratic culture among the people, based on centuries-old traditions and taking into account the values of modern civilization;

feelings of respect for the law, for power, for the citizen, and for the individual as a whole; the foundations of economic independence of each individual, the elimination of the dependence of people on each other, originating from official, social and other provisions in society;

a real socio-economic base of democratic mentality and behavior based on ensuring the well-being of each family and individual;

an atmosphere of confidence of people and society as a whole in the future, giving reforms the character of seamless therapy and social orientation.

Turkmenistan’s permanent neutrality implies its use of its political capabilities in order to non-violently resolve contradictions and conflicts between states, and to establish a more humane and creative order in international relations. By excluding the very possibility of interference in the internal affairs of other states, recognizing the inalienable right to choose each state on its own path of development, Turkmenistan always contributes to any peacekeeping processes, constructive dialogue in the name of peace and harmony. Turkmenistan refuses the use of force or the threat of its use, as well as the infringement of the interests of other states in any form.

Turkmenistan’s foreign policy is a logical continuation of domestic policy and is determined by the international legal status of permanent neutrality assumed by Turkmenistan voluntarily, within the framework of the realization of the inalienable rights of a sovereign state.

The main objectives of Turkmenistan’s foreign policy are:

preserving and strengthening Turkmenistan’s state sovereignty, increasing its role and importance in the system of international relations;

creating the most favorable foreign policy conditions for the internal development of the state;

upholding and realizing Turkmenistan’s national interests by all forms of contacts established in international practice;

ensuring the security of Turkmenistan by political and diplomatic means;

development of constructive mutually beneficial cooperation with all foreign partners on the basis of equality and mutual respect;

ensuring full compliance of Turkmenistan’s foreign policy actions with international law and the UN Charter.

Our analysis also showed that Turkmenistan chose a policy of neutrality in a rather difficult period for the country. The collapse of the Soviet Union, the tense situation in the post-Soviet conflict, the uncertainty of the policies of the countries of Central Asia, the conflict situation in Afghanistan.

It was necessary to understand your problems, without the intervention of other parties. With a rich hydrocarbon supply, Turkmenistan could become a “bone of contention” for the powers.

Thus, due to its chosen policy of neutrality, Turkmenistan fenced itself off from the world, which contributed to its normal and consistent development.

§2. THE PLACE AND ROLE OF TURKMENISTAN IN THE WORLD COMMUNITY

Every year Turkmenistan strengthens mutually beneficial economic cooperation with dozens of countries of the world. With the help of foreign investors, hundreds of production, household and cultural facilities for hundreds of millions of dollars were built and put into operation. Turkmenistan turned out to be favorable for investing from Russia, Germany, Turkey, Austria, Iran, France, China, and many other countries. The construction of the Tejen – Serakh – Mashhad railway line, a trans-Afghan gas pipeline, the country’s representative office in the Organization for Economic Cooperation (ECO), in other international organizations shows the world the huge potential of the Turkmen model of neutrality. The modern politics of Turkmenistan is characterized by the words of the great Turkmen poet, philosopher, thinker Makhtumkuli: “There is no need to say either annoyed or evil – my people do not accept evil.”

Turkmenistan, being an equal subject of international law, was actively involved in the process of establishing and establishing interstate ties. In a short period by historical standards, Turkmenistan managed to determine its place in the system of modern international relations.

Currently, Turkmenistan has established diplomatic relations with more than 120 states of the world, has become a member of more than 40 international organizations. Diplomatic missions and consular offices of Turkmenistan are open in 26 countries of the world. In turn, more than 30 diplomatic missions of foreign countries and missions of international organizations are accredited in Turkmenistan. Turkmenistan has its representatives in such international organizations as the UN, ECO, CIS, EU, OSCE, NATO, UNESCO, etc.

Turkmenistan maintains a real interest among other states in actions that contribute to the strengthening of this status. These actions take on various forms: political, economic, humanitarian, etc. Thus, over the past years, results have been achieved that have made it possible to seriously strengthen the position of Turkmenistan, which carries out peacekeeping activities in the region. For example, under the auspices of the UN, three rounds of inter-Tajik negotiations took place in Ashgabat, the results of which gave an important effect to resolve the internal national conflict in Tajikistan.

In addition, Turkmenistan organized a wide inter-Afghan round table, and on January 21—22, 1997, an international forum on Afghanistan was held in Ashgabat. Several rounds of inter-Afghan talks also took place there.

In this regard, it is appropriate to quote the words of Mohammad Nalir Zahir, First Secretary of the Afghan Embassy in Turkmenistan: “Today Turkmenistan is one of the few states that have consistently peaceful borders with all neighbors. This was achieved, in my opinion, due to the neutrality observed by the state and the “open door” policy proclaimed by the President of Turkmenistan, that is, those two important factors that help peacefully resolve conflicts by resolving all controversial issues exclusively at the negotiating table.

At the global level, Turkmenistan managed to build even partnerships with great powers and the main world centers of power – the United States, Russia, the European Union, China. In fact, the line declared by President Niyazov several years ago on Turkmenistan’s “equal advantage” to them (these centers), if we are talking about the combination of their interests in the region on the basis of fair and healthy competition, and, conversely, “equidistance” from them, when there is a question about the division (or rather, division) of spheres of influence.

At the regional level, Turkmenistan has established good-neighborly and equal relations with neighboring countries, major regional powers such as Iran and Turkey, Pakistan and India. Despite the ambiguity of relations between them, on the Turkmen geopolitical “platform” the interests of these states never entered into contradictions.

The fundamental and unconditional refusal to participate in international military and military-political groups and blocs allowed Turkmenistan not to be drawn into any form of regional rivalry. As well as the temptation of anyone to attract Turkmen military and economic resources to their side in potential conflicts. The military strategy of Turkmenistan is purely defensive in nature, it clearly spells out a ban on the use of the Turkmen Armed Forces outside its borders. This allowed Turkmenistan, without spraying financial, material and human resources for use outside the country, to focus on strengthening its own defense capability, modernizing the national army in accordance with modern requirements. Today, according to both Western and Russian experts, the Armed Forces of Turkmenistan are one of the most equipped and combat-ready in the region (which, however, is typical for neutral countries and in other parts of the world, for example, Switzerland and Sweden). At the same time, Turkmenistan does not refuse military-technical, but not conditioned by political requirements of cooperation at the bilateral level. With countries such as the USA, Russia, Turkey, Ukraine, it has been developing for several years and quite successfully. The same can be said about international cooperation in the fight against common threats for the region – terrorism, drug trafficking, transnational organized crime.

The neutral status of Turkmenistan, which determines the minimum level of foreign policy risks, coupled with the richest resource potential and internal stability, predetermined great interest in the country from first-class foreign companies and ensured a serious inflow of foreign capital into the national economy. Today, companies from the USA, Japan, Russia, Turkey, Iran, Israel, Arab states, Malaysia, China, India, EU states are successfully operating in Turkmenistan. With their participation, the textile industry was erected from scratch, the oil and gas complex and agriculture were modernized, large-scale road and housing construction was underway, the communication infrastructure was practically re-equipped, and the hotel business was developing. According to the World Bank, in terms of foreign direct investment per capita, Turkmenistan, since 1999, has consistently held a leading position in the post-Soviet space.

Having become an independent and sovereign state, Turkmenistan took its worthy place in the Community of Nations, in practice proving the correctness of its own development path, combining national identity and the achievements of modern civilization. Over the past short period by historical standards, Turkmenistan has withstood difficult tests with honor and has established itself as part of the world community not only as a sovereign and secular state, but also having a generally recognized status of permanent neutrality.

On the example of Turkmenistan’s foreign policy, developed and implemented under the leadership of the first President Saparmurat Turkmenbashi, the world community witnessed the emergence of a qualitatively new model in the practice of international relations. Turkmenistan offered the world the concept of peaceful and stable coexistence and development in the complex region of Central Asia.

Remaining faithful to the declared foreign policy and international obligations arising from its neutral status, independent Turkmenistan did not participate in any armed conflict, did not join any military, military-political alliance or bloc, nor did it join any international structure with functions beyond the scope of humanitarian assistance.

The main guidelines of Turkmenistan’s foreign policy were and remain the internal interests of the country, the solution of its socio-economic problems. It must meet the fundamental national interests, proceed from the primary and urgent problems of its own people and, first of all, the tasks of preserving sovereignty and independence, ensuring the processes of forming the statehood of Turkmenistan, protecting territorial integrity and creating conditions that ensure the stability and irreversibility of political and economic reforms.

The priority direction of Turkmenistan’s foreign policy in the long term is cooperation with the United Nations. The UN is not only a tribune with which states have the opportunity to express their views on certain issues of concern to them. Turkmenistan shares the thesis that the UN is designed to become the main and ineligible mechanism in ensuring comprehensive peace and security, the highest international authority in resolving emerging disputes and conflicts, and the UN Charter is the foundation of the world order of the 21st century. All possible assistance to increase the UN’s consolidating capacity, expand its peacekeeping functions, support the humanitarian initiatives of the organization and its specialized institutions – this sees Turkmenistan as its main task as a full member of the UN. Based on this, Turkmenistan will continue to actively cooperate with the UN, its structures and institutions, assisting them in the implementation of program goals and statutory tasks. The Turkmen National Association of UN Assistance will contribute to the effective implementation of this task.

Bilateral cooperation has been and remains a priority in Turkmenistan’s foreign policy. That is why its most important component in the next century will be, first of all, the further strengthening of cooperation with neighboring states, aimed at creating an environment of peace, harmony and good neighborliness in the region. Turkmenistan believes that only on the basis of mutual trust, non-interference in internal affairs, respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty, respect for the choice of each country of its own model of socio-political and socio-economic development, it is possible to provide conditions for the true well-being and progress of the peoples inhabiting the region.

Turkmenistan is entering the 21st century with clearly defined priorities for bilateral cooperation with neighboring countries, which is reflected in the “Long-Term Cooperation Program until 2010.”

The region of Asia, in which Turkmenistan is located, being the territory of a number of internal conflicts, undoubtedly has huge development potential. The most important prerequisite for this is the prospects for fruitful cooperation between the peoples of the region – the heirs of the richest centuries-old culture, deep historical traditions of peacefulness and good neighborliness. They have repeatedly proved their ability to independently find ways of consent and reconciliation, while rejecting any violent intervention from outside.

Turkmenistan is committed to the dynamic development of regional cooperation, which is confirmed by the example of the revival of the activities of the Organization for Economic Cooperation (IVF). Countries – members of IVF with more than 310 million people demonstrate the emergence of an influential subject of international relations, which at the same time indicates the birth of a new regional community, logically corresponding to the historical laws of the cultural and civilization unity of related peoples. The logic of cooperation between IVF member countries in the name of the revival of the region and the prosperity of its peoples fully coincides with the basic principles of Turkmenistan’s neutrality. The course towards the continuation of the “open door” policy will remain the core of Turkmenistan’s foreign economic strategy.

Turkmenistan in the 21st century in its regional policy will remain invariably committed to the principles of neutrality, non-interference in the internal affairs of neighboring countries, rejection of military force, active peacekeeping under the auspices of the UN, good neighborliness and cooperation.

Based on convention norms and world practice, Turkmenistan establishes a regime of free movement of foreign citizens throughout its territory.

In the next century, Turkmenistan intends to continue the implementation of the open-door economic strategy. The challenges faced by humanity at the turn of the millennium – the deepening energy crisis, disproportionate distribution of resources, food shortages – are fraught with serious shocks that pose the danger of undermining security and stability at the national and regional levels, irrational and inadequate perception by entire peoples and continents of their own destiny. In this context, in its foreign economic activity, Turkmenistan sees the main task in the withdrawal to international markets of serious resources that it possesses, first of all, energy.

Turkmenistan has consistently advocated a multivariable approach to the development of international energy pipeline infrastructure based on economic feasibility, for the triggering of the principle of supplementation, and not replacing one project with another. At the same time, when considering any projects, Turkmenistan is a supporter of a balance of interests and mutual benefits of all parties involved, the creation of an international legal mechanism aimed at ensuring the interests of suppliers, transit countries and consumers. Turkmenistan categorically does not accept the use of pipelines as an instrument of political pressure and economic diktat.

Our research results showed that Turkmenistan attaches particular importance to relations with neighboring countries with which it is associated with historical, political, economic and cultural ties. Turkmenistan considers relations with them, wide cooperation in all spheres as the most important guarantee of the preservation of its sovereignty and neutral status, the successful achievement of its foreign policy goals.

The foreign policy situation of Turkmenistan is such that its interests are faced with the interests of not only neighboring countries in the region, but also non-CIS countries.

In the current situation in Afghanistan, Turkmenistan cannot stand aside, since its security issues are directly related to the situation in Afghanistan, with which it borders. In this regard, Turkmenistan supports all projects related to improving the situation in the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, as well as in order to improve the economic condition of Afghanistan, it designs and tries to implement projects in the energy and hydrocarbon spheres. Today, there is a project to deliver gas to the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, and later on its territory, laying pipes for the transportation of Turkmen gas to non-CIS countries. In this case, Afghanistan will receive cheap Turkmen gas, and it will also be possible to receive payment for the use of Afghan territory, that is, for transit. Official Ashgabat provides its airports to deliver humanitarian aid to Afghanistan, as well as to refuel aircraft that carry humanitarian aid. Turkmenistan connects the gas issue with the Russian side, which is very important for both states. Evidence of this is the controversial situations that have arisen recently.

CHAPTER II. TURKMEN FACTOR IN THE SYSTEM OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS OF CENTRAL ASIA

By the time of the collapse of the Soviet Union, Turkmenistan, of the state-forming features, had only a certain territory and poorly developed administrative power over it. All other important state-forming signs: a single socio-cultural space, general civil self-identification, a single legal consciousness of the population, self-sufficient economic and institutional infrastructure – were absent and are still under formation.

The territorial integrity of the country has not yet been recognized by neighboring states at the official level, and territorial claims immediately appeared on the unofficial one against Turkmenistan. In particular, Uzbekistan did not particularly hide its claims on the border territory of the Tashauz and Charjou regions, inhabited mainly by ethnic Uzbeks. And this not all well-known fact in May 1992 became the subject of discussion at a closed session of the Parliament of Turkmenistan. Some concern of his leadership was also caused by political instability in some CIS states, which under certain circumstances could spread to the territory of Turkmenistan.

In addition, according to forecast data, the bowels of Turkmenistan store almost a third of the world’s hydrocarbon reserves.

Immediately after the collapse of the Soviet Union, it would be very reasonable to think of the Central Asian region as a single community with a single set of problems that could be solved using coordinated and integrated solutions. Now, ten years later, the situation has clearly changed. The development of Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan went on different paths, each of these countries acquired its own appearance and developed a unique style of decision-making.

The emergence of new states in Central Asia has fundamentally changed the political picture not only in the region, but also beyond its borders. If, as part of the Soviet Union, Central Asia was the periphery of a single geopolitical space, then with its collapse it moved to the center of political processes taking place in the vast expanses of Eurasia, and became the object of geopolitical confrontation between world and regional centers of power.

The countries of the region almost from scratch began to search for their new identity and forms of domestic political structure, adequately reflecting the interests of society. In addition, they should have developed priority foreign policy directions, which, first of all, should have led to the creation of a system of sustainable state and regional security and determine the place and role of each state in the field of international relations.

Attempts made within the CIS, the Central Asian Economic Union, the Shanghai Forum and other integration entities to create a regional security system that guarantees the military-political and socio-economic stability of the region have not yet yielded the expected results. The likelihood that such a system will appear in the near future is extremely small. The main reasons for this are the mutually supervising economic potential of the countries of the region, mutually exclusive tactics and a strategy for achieving their economic well-being, which prompts an independent search for foreign economic and foreign policy partners. At the same time, geopolitical unity is forgotten, the feasibility of consolidated actions aimed at ensuring regional security is ignored. Moreover, there are discrepancies in the assessment of security threats, with all the ensuing consequences.

Turkmenistan, like other post-Soviet countries, became independent completely unexpectedly: neither its leadership nor the population even thought about the possibility of such a turn of events. Indicative in this regard is the result of the 1989 All-Union referendum. Then over 90% of the population of the republic voted for the preservation of the USSR and for staying in its composition.

With such initial conditions for creating their own statehood, any sluggishness of political leadership could lead to the fact that the country would become an apple of discord between regional centers of power or turn into a raw material appendage of any of these centers of power.

The idea of the Afghan route began in May 1992, during business consultations between President of Turkmenistan Saparmurad Niyazov and Prime Minister of Pakistan Nawaz Sharif during a working session of heads of government of IVF countries in Ashgabat. The result of this meeting was an agreement on the construction of a gas pipeline and a highway connecting the two countries through the territory of Afghanistan. Subsequently, at different levels, similar discussions took place in Pakistani cities on February 6—7 in Kuwait and November 28, 1993 in Islamabad.

In April 1994, during a visit to Ashgabat, a delegation of the Pakistani Air Force, led by Vice Marshal Farug Usman Haider, reached an agreement on bilateral military cooperation and the Pakistani side took over the organization of the Turkmenistan Air Force Academy. In addition, Pakistan has pledged to train military specialists for Turkmenistan in its educational institutions.

In March 1995, in Islamabad, Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto and president of Turkmenistan Saparmurad Niyazov signed a memorandum on the construction of a gas pipeline from Turkmenistan through Afghanistan to Pakistan and on the restoration of the highway from Pakistani Khaman to the city of Turgundi on the Afghan-Turkmen border.

Such intensive meetings and the agreements reached during them indicate the interest and determination of both parties in the implementation of their goals.

After the Taliban (organization prohibited on the territory of the Russian Federation) captured Kabul and the troops of Ahmad Shah Masood and General Dostum retreated to the north of the country, the leaders of the Central Asian republics began to take measures to strengthen the security system of the region.

On October 4, 1996, an emergency consultative meeting of the heads of state of Central Asia and Russia was convened in Almaty to discuss the situation in the region after the capture of Kabul by the Taliban (organization prohibited on the territory of the Russian Federation). The presidents of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and the chairman of the Russian government attended the meeting. As a result, a joint statement was signed expressing concern about the events in Afghanistan and noting that any possible actions that undermine stability on the borders of Afghanistan with the CIS states will receive an adequate response. The leadership of the CIS Collective Security Council was instructed to create a task force to analyze the situation, as well as prepare proposals for its stabilization near the borders of Afghanistan, and the CIS Council of Defense Ministers was asked to develop proposals for ensuring security at these borders. In addition, the participants in the Almaty meeting recommended that the UN Security Council immediately hold a meeting on the Afghan issue.

§1. COOPERATION BETWEEN TURKMENISTAN AND CENTRAL ASIAN COUNTRIES

Turkmenistan’s policy of permanent neutrality has become an important factor in maintaining regional security and stability. Turkmenistan, using its capabilities as a neutral state, pursued an active constructive policy in the region aimed at creating conditions for a peaceful, non-violent resolution of contradictions and conflicts. The Turkmen principled position of non-interference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan prepared conditions that made it possible to begin the process of finding a political dialogue between the warring Afghan parties. In March 1999, representatives of the Taliban and the Northern Alliance sat first at the negotiating table in Ashgabat. Such an active and constructive policy of Turkmenistan, pursued in line with the efforts of the UN, gained him high authority among neighboring states and in the region as a whole, rightfully nominated Ashgabat to the category of recognized peacekeeping centers in Asia.

In its economic policy, Turkmenistan has proclaimed and consistently implements the principle of “open doors,” aimed at mutually beneficial cooperation with all states, creating equal conditions for the effective operation of foreign companies on its territory, regardless of their nationality and form of ownership. This approach of Turkmenistan ensures the steady interest of foreign partners in trade and economic cooperation with Turkmenistan, promotes the formation of a healthy investment climate in the country, and ensures the progressive development of its economy.