Wilhelm Braune
A Gothic Grammar / with selections for reading and a glossary

ABBREVIATIONS

anv., anomalous verb. cf. or cp., compare. E., English. follg., following. G., German. Gr., Greek. Idg., Indo-Germanic. Lt., Latin. ME., Midl English. MHG., Midl High German. NE., New English. NHG., New High German. Nth., Northumbrian. OE., Old English. OHG., Old High German. ON., Old Norse. OS., Old Saxon. pp., past participl. prec., preceding. prsp., present participl. prt. – prs., preterit present. Sc., Scotch. Shak., Shakspere. Sp., Spenser. sta., strong adjectiv. stv., strong verb. th. s., the same. w., with or word. wa., weak adjectiv. wv., weak verb. <, from; >, whense.

Anz. fda., Anzeiger für deutsches alterthum, s. Zs. fda.

Beitr., Beiträge zur geschichte der deutschen sprache und literatur. Halle 1874 ff.

Bezzenb. beitr., Beiträge zur kunde der indogerm. sprachen, hg. v. A. Bezzenberger. Göttingen 1875 ff.

Brugm., Grundriss der vergleichenden grammatik der indog. sprachen von K. Brugmann (Engl. edition). Strassburg 1886-92.

Dietrich, aussprache des got., s. § 2 n. 1.

Germ., Germania, hg. von Pfeiffer-Bartsch-Behaghel (1856-92).

Grundr., Grundriss der germ. philologie, hg. v. H. Paul. Strassburg 1889-93.

IF., Indogerm. forschungen, hg. v. K. Brugmann und W. Streitberg. Strassburg 1892 ff.

Kl. W., Kluge, Wörterbuch.

Kuhns zs., Zeitschrift für vergleichende sprachforschung. Berlin 1852 ff.

Litbl., Literaturblatt für germ. und roman. philologie. Heilbronn 1880 ff.

Sk., Skeat, Etymological Dictionary.

vB., von Bahder, Verbalabstracta.

Wrede, Wand., Sprache der Wandalen, s. § 220 n. 4.

Wrede, Ostg., Sprache der Ostgoten, s. § 221 n. 4.

Zs. fda., Zeitschrift für deutsches alterthum. Berlin 1841 ff. With this sinse vol. 19: Anzeiger für d. alt. Berlin 1876 ff.

Zs. fdph., Zeitschrift für deutsche philologie. Halle 1869 ff.

FONOLOGY

CHAP. I. THE ALFABET

§ 1. The monuments of the Gothic language ar handed down to us in a peculiar alfabet which, according to Greek ecclesiastic writers, was invented by Wulfila (s. § 221). The Gothic alfabet, however, is not entirely a new creation, but Wulfila based it on the Greek alfabet which he accomodated to the Gothic sounds, increasing it by several signs from the Latin alfabet, and, in a few cases, availing himself of the familiar runic alfabet. Of the Greek alfabet he also retaind the order and numerical value. The Gothic alfabet is now sufficiently represented in Roman letters. In the following we giv in the first line the original Gothic characters, in the second their numerical values, in the third the transliteration of the Gothic characters by Roman letters, which latter we shall uze exclusivly in this book.

Note 1. Of these signs one (i, 10) is represented by two forms. The i without dots occurs oftener, the i with dots stands at the beginning of a word, and in the midl of a word after a vowel, to show that it forms a syllabl for itself and does not form a difthong with the preceding vowel; e. g., fraïtiþ (= fra-itiþ). In transliteration i is employd thruout.

Note 2. Two characters, the Greek episema 'koppa' (90) and 'sampi' (900), hav no fonetic values, but serv only as numerals. When the symbols denote numerals, they ar markt by a horizontal stroke abuv them, or by dots before and after them: ib or ·ib· = 12.

Note 3. The transliteration of the Gothic symbols is not alike in all cases. Most editors hav hitherto uzed v for w (§ 39, n. 1); for the singl symbols q (§ 39, n. 1) and ƕ (§ 63) we find kv or qu and hv or w, respectivly; for þ, which is borrowd from the Norse-A. – S. alfabet, also th occurs (§ 70, n. 1).

Note 4. The Gothic monuments show but few abbreviations; the holy names, guþ, frauja, iêsus, Χristus, ar always abbreviated. Abbreviations ar denoted by a stroke abuv the word, but in our texts the abbreviated words ar uzually printed in ful; as, gþ = guþ, fa, fins = frauja, fraujins. – For more on this point, s. Gabelentz-Loebe's grammar, p. 19 et seq.

Note 5. The Goths alredy had the Germanic runic letters before Wulfila. The names of these letters wer uzed also for the new characters. The names of the Gothic symbols, together with a few Gothic words and alfabets, ar preservd in a Salzburg-Vienna manuscript of the 9th century: W. Grimm, 'Wiener Jahrbücher der Litteratur 43', p. 4 et seq. Massmann, zs. fda. 1, p. 296 et seq. – The form of the names, however, is very corrupt. As to this, cp. A. Kirchhoff, 'Das Gotische Runenalphabet', 2nd edit., Berlin 1854; J. Zacher, 'Das Gotische Alphabet Vulfilas und das Runenalphabet', Leipzig 1855. – Of special importance is Wimmer's treatis on Wulfila's alfabet, as 'Appendix I' to his book: 'Die Runenschrift', Berlin 1887, pp. 259-274.

§ 2. Of the 27 characters two hav only numerical values, (§ 1, n. 2), a third, the χ, is retaind only in Greek foren words, especially in the name 'Christus', and denotes no Gothic sound. Hense there remain the following 24 characters whose fonetic values ar to be determind:

(a) Consonants:

p b f m w | t d þ s z n l r | k q g h ƕ j.

(b) Vowels:

a e i o u.

(c) Difthongs:

ei iu ai au.

In determining the fonetic values of these characters we ar guided by the following means: (1) The Gothic alfabet is based on the Greek alfabet; hense, the pronunciation of the Greek letters to be determind for the 4th century, must also be regarded as that of the Gothic letters so long as there is no proof to the contrary. (2) The rendition of the numerous Greek foren words and proper nouns by Wulfila. (3) The transliteration of the Gothic proper nouns in Latin documents and by Latin authors of the 4th-8th centuries. (4) The testimony of the cognate Germanic languages. (5) Fonetic changes and grammatical fenomena in the Gothic language itself permit us to draw conclusions about the nature of the sounds.

Note 1. Concerning the pronunciation of the Gothic letters, cp. Weingärtner, 'Die Aussprache des Gotischen zur Zeit des Ulfilas', Leipzig 1858; Fr. Dietrich, 'Ueber die Aussprache des Gotischen während der Zeit seines Bestehens', Marburg 1862; about the consonants, Paul, 'Zur Lautverschiebung', Beitr. 1, p. 147 et seq.

Note 2. An old testimony for the Gothic pronunciation in the Salzburg-Vienna MS.:

ubi dicit. genuit .j. ponitur ubi gabriel .g. ponunt et alia his sim̅ ubi aspiratione. ut dicitur gah libeda jah libaida diptongon ai pro e longa p ch q ponunt. – Cp. § 1, n. 5, and, for explanation, especially Kirchhoff, p. 20 et seq.

CHAP. II. THE VOWELS

a

§ 3. The Gothic a signifies as a rule the short a-sound [as in G. mann].

Note 1. Foren words and names; as, Annas, Ἀννας; Akaja, Ἀχαΐα; barbarus, βάρβαρος; aggilus, ἄγγελος; karkara, carcer; lukarn, lucerna; Kafarnaum, Καπερναούμ.

Note 2. Gothic names: Athanaricus, Ariaricus, Amalafrigda (Ammian.)

§ 4. Short a is very frequent both in stem-syllabls and in inflection. E. g.

(a) Stem-syllabls: agis, aw; aljis, 'alius'; tagr, tear; aƕa, 'aqua'; alan, to grow; hafjan, to heav; saltan, to salt; haldan, to hold; waldan, to rule; fadar, father; staþs, place. —ahtau, 'octo'; gasts, guest; ƕaþar, 'uter'; awistr, sheepfold (OHG. au, 'ovis'; ahd. gr., § 219, n. 3); bandi, band; barn, child; saggws, song; all preterits of the III. – V. ablaut-series: bar, I bore; hlaf, I stole; band, I bound; gaf, I gave, etc.

(b) Inflections: daga (dat. sg., § 90), waúrda (nom. acc. pl., § 93), giba (nom. acc. sg., § 96), guma (nom. sg., § 107), haírtôna (nom. acc. pl., § 109); —blindamma, blindana, blinda, blindata (str. adj., § 123); —imma, ina, ita, ija, meina (prn.; § 150 et seq.); —nima (1st pers. sg. prs. ind.); nimaima, nimaiwa, nimaina (1st pers. pl. du. and 3d pers. pl. opt., § 170); haitada (medio-passiv, § 170); sôkida (weak prt., § 184); – adverbs: -ba (as, glaggwuba), nêƕa, inna, ana, waíla, etc.

Note 1. Apocope of an unaccented a before enclitics: þat-ist, þat-ei, þan-uh, þamm-uh, þan-ei, þamm-ei, kar-ist. – Also frêt and frêtum (prt. of fra-itan, to devour, § 176, n. 3).

Note 2. For a in the difthongs ai, au, s. §§ 21. 25.

§ 5. In a few cases a is long [as in E. father]. (Comp. Holtzmann, Altd. Gr., I, 3 et seq.).

(a) In foren words: Silbânus (Silvanus), aurâli (orale), spaíkulâtur (speculator), Peilâtus, etc.;

(b) In the following Gothic words: fâhan (OHG. fâhan), to cach; hâhan (OHG. hâhan), to hang; þâhta (prt. of þagkjan, to think); brâhta (prt. of briggan, to bring); gafâhs, a haul; faúrhâh, curtain; gahâhjô, in order; -gâhts, a going; also þâhô (OHG. dâha), clay; unwâhs, blameless (OE. wôh, wrong).

Note. In the words mentiond under (b) âh arose from anh (§ 50, n. 1). Cp. also Litbl. 1886, p. 485.

e

§ 6. e is always a long, close vowel (ê) approaching very much the sound of i [as in E. they].

Note 1. In Greek words η is regularly represented by ê; e. g., Gabriêl, Kêfas, aíkklêsjô, Krêta; – sumtimes also ι: Naên, Ναίν; Tykêkus, Τυχικός; aíloê, ἐλωί; likewise e: Jarêd, Ἰαρέδ.

Note 2. In Gothic names Latin writers employ e for Gothic ê: Sigismêres, Gelimêr, Reccarêd; besides, as erly as the 6th century, quite regularly also i; as, Theodemir, Valamir. Cp. Beitr., 11, 7 et seq.; Wrede, Wand., 92 et seq.

§ 7. Goth. ê (which regularly corresponds to OHG. and OS. â; ahd. gr., § 34) is found:

(a) in reduplicating verbs, in part with the ablaut ô (§§ 179. 181): grêtan, lêtan, slêpan; (b) in the prt. pl. of the IV. and V. ablaut-series: sêtum (inf. sitan, to sit), nêmun (inf. niman, to take), têmum (inf. timan, to befit), êtum (inf. itan), and in the prt. sg. frêt; Luc. XV, 30 (§ 176, n. 3); (c) in derivativs from the verbal stems givn under (b); as, andanêms, agreeabl; andanêm, a receiving; gatêmiba, becumingly; uzêta, manger; (d) in other words; as, jêr, year; qêns, wife; mêna, moon; lêkeis, fysician; mêrjan, to preach; manasêþs ('man-seed'), world, etc.; (e) in formativ syllabls: fahêþs, joy; awêþi, flock of sheep (cp. however § 17, n. 1); azêts, easy; 2nd pers. sg. prt. of wvs., -dês (nasidês, § 184); (f) final: in the ending of the gen. pl.; as, dagê; in monosyllabic instrumentals: þê, ƕê (§§ 153. 159); in particls and advs.; as, swê, untê, hidrê, bisunjanê; lastly, in the dativs ƕammêh, ƕarjammêh, ainummê-hun (cp. §§ 163-166).

Note 1. ê before vowels appears as ai; s. § 22.

Note 2. ei occurs quite often for ê, especially in the Gospel of St. Luke; as, qeins (= qêns), faheid (= fahêd), fraleitais (= fralêtais); Lu. II, 5. 10. 29; afleitan; Mt. IX, 6, etc.

Note 3. Sporadically also i for ê; so, frequently, in the Gospel of St. Lu.; as, birusjôs; Lu. II, 41; qiþeina; VIII, 56. IX, 21; tawidideina; VI, 11; duatsniwun; Mk. VI, 53. Only i is found in wriþus, herd; Lu. VIII, 33 (for wrêþus; cp. Bezzenb. Beitr. 3, 114).

Note 4. Reversely, also e occurs for i and ei (§ 10, n. 5; § 17, n. 1). – These deviations (in ns. 2-4) seem due to East Gothic writers; cp. Wrede, 'Ostg.', 161.

§ 8. From the preceding ê must be separated the ê of sum Gothic words in which it corresponds to OHG. ea, ia (not â): hêr, here; Krêks, Greek; fêra, side, region; mês, table. Cp. ahd. gr., §§ 35. 36; Beitr., 18, 409 et seq.

i

§ 9. Gothic i, as a rule, denotes the short vowel i [as in E. it], while its corresponding long sound is represented by ei [= ie in E. believ]; s. § 16.

Note 1. The i in Greek words stands for short ι, only exceptionally for η which is generally represented by ê; e. g., Aúnisimus, Ὀνήσιμος; Biþania, Βηθανία.

Note 2. i in Gothic words is long, when it is incorrectly employd for ê (cp. § 7, n. 3).

§ 10. The Gothic i, from an historical point of view, is of two kinds: It represents two originally distinct sounds which, from a purely Gothic standpoint, can not be separated.

(a) Goth. i = proethnic Germanic e (OHG. ë or i; cp. ahd. gr., §§ 28-30), as in the prs. tense of verbs of the III. – V. ablaut-series (§§ 32-34): niman, OHG. nëman; giban, OHG. gëban; giba, OHG. gëba; bindan, OHG. bintan; itan, to eat; midjis, 'medius'; hlifan, to steal; swistar, OHG. swëster; fidwôr, four; gifts, gift; -qiss, speech; the pps. of the V. ablaut-series: gibans, itans, lisans, wigans, qiþans.

(b) Goth. i = proethnic Germanic i (OHG. i; ahd. gr., § 31); e. g., lists, stratagem; fisks, fish; is, he; wissa, I knew; skritnan, to rend (intr.); prt. pl. and pp. of the verbs of the I. ablaut-series (§ 30): bitun, bitans (inf. beitan); stigun, stigans (inf. steigan); liþun, liþans (inf. leiþan).

Note 1. Final i occurs in ni, bi, si, hiri; in the nominativs of feminin and neuter j-stems: bandi (§ 96), kuni (§ 93); in the acc. and voc. sg. of the masculin j-stems: hari (§ 90); 3d pers. sg. prt. opt.: nêmi. This final i appears as j, when it becums medial (§ 45).

Note 2. Final i before a following i of an enclitic word is elided in nist (= ni-ist), sei (= si-ei), niba (= ni-iba).

Note 3. Every i before h and r is broken to aí; cp. § 20.

Note 4. ij is found in ija, 'eam'; þrija, 'tria'; fijan, to hate; frijôn, to luv; sijum, we ar; kijans, germinated, etc. i for ij is rare: fian, sium, etc., but friaþwa (beside frijaþwa), luv, occurs very often.

Note 5. Occasionally e takes the place of i; as, usdrebi; Mk. V, 10; seneigana; I. Tim. V, 1.

Note 6. For i in the difthong iu, s. §§ 18. 19.

Note 7. For a separation of the two is (= OHG. ë and i) in East Gothic names, s. Wrede, 'Ostg.', 162.

o

§ 11. The Gothic character o always denotes a long close o approaching sumwhat the sound of û (= o in E. home).

Note 1. In Greek words o, as a rule, corresponds to ω, rarely to ο; e. g., Makidonja, Μακεδονία; it also stands for ου: Iodas, Ἰούδας; Lu. III, 26.

Note 2. o in Gothic words often stands for (short) u (§ 14, n. 3).

§ 12. ô (= OHG. uo; s. ahd. gr., § 38 et seq.) is frequent in Gothic words. E. g., brôþar, brother; bôka, beech; frôþs, wise; flôdus, flud; fôtus, foot.

In the prt. of the VI. series (§ 35) and of the ê – ô-series (§ 36): ôl, hôf, ôg, pl. ôlum, hôfum, ôgum; laílôt, laílôtum, aísô. In endings, as in nom. pl. gibôs, dagôs; wvs. II.: salbôn; final, in gen. pl. f. gibô, tuggônô; nom. sg. tuggô, haírtô. Prns.: ƕô, þô, sô, ƕanô-h, ainnô-hun, ƕarjanô-h. Verb salbô. Advs. in -ô (§ 211).

Note 1. For ô we sumtimes find u: gakrôtûda (inf. krôtôn), he is crusht; Lu. XX, 18; ûhtêdun (prs. ôg), they feard; Mk. XI, 32. – In East Gothic names u often takes the place of ô; s. Wrede, 'Ostg.', 164.

Note 2. In a few words ô before vowels becums au; s. § 26.

Note 3. ô and u interchange in the inflection of fôn, gen. funins (§ 118). Concerning this and other relations between ô and u, cp. Beitr. 6, 377 et seq.; 564; also Kuhns Zs., 26, 16 et seq.

u

§ 13. The letter u in Gothic denotes both a short and a long vowel; the short u, however, occurs oftener than long û.

Note 1. u in foren words regularly represents Gr. ου. In unaccented syllabls, however, it stands for Gr. ο: diabulus, διάβολος (beside diabaúlus), apaústulus (beside apaústaúlus), paíntêkustê, πεντηκοστή.

Note 2. u for ô seldom (§ 12, n. 1), u for áu (§ 25, n. 3).

§ 14. Short u is very frequent in Gothic. E. g.

(a) juk, yoke; sunus, sun; drus, fall; us-drusts, a falling; fra-lusts, lost; lusnan, to perish; – in the prt. pl. and pp. of the verbs of the II. series (§ 31); e. g., gutum, gutans; lusum, lusans; – in endings of the sbs. of the u-decl.: handus, handu; – final, as in þu, prn., thou; nu, now; -u (interr. particl).

(b) wulfs, wolf; wulla, wool; gaqumþs, council; gulþ, gold; swumfsl, pond; hund, 100; sibun, 7; taíhun, 10; fulls, ful; un- (privativ prefix); in the prt. pl. and pp. of the verbs of the III. series (§ 32): bundum, bundans; in the pp. of the verbs of the IV. series (§ 33): numans, stulans.

brukans, broken; us-bruknan, to break off (intr.); trudan, to tred, pp. trudans; snutrs, wise.

Note 1. As a rule, the final u of stems is dropt before derivativ j-suffixes; e. g., -hardjan, to harden (< hardus); -agljan, to trubl (< aglus); manwjan, to prepare (< manwus); ufarassjan, to increase (< ufarassus); L. Meyer, 'Got. Spr.', p. 325 et seq. But skadwjan, to overshadow (< skadus), and skadweins, a shading (cp. Zs. fda. 36, 269). – Concerning u beside w, cp. § 42.

Note 2. Every u before h and r is broken to aú; cp. § 24.

Note 3. u is eight times (mostly in Lu.) represented by o; e. g., laúhmoni, lightning: Lu. XVII, 24; sunjos, suns; Lu. XVI, 8; ushôfon; Lu. XVII, 13; ainomêhun; Lu. VIII, 43; faího, muney; Mk. X, 23.

Note 4. In the endings of the u-declension u is occasionally represented by au; as, sunaus (nom. sg.); Lu. IV, 3; cp. § 105, n. 2.

§ 15. Long û certainly appears in: (a) ût, out (ûta, etc.); dûbô, duv; rûna, mystery; rûms, room, roomy; *mûl (in faúrmûljan, to muzl); brûþs, bride; hûs, house; skûra, shower; hlûtrs, pure; fûls, foul; *mûks (in mûkamôdei), meek; þûsundi, 1000; brûkjan, to uze (prt. brûhta; adj. brûks); lûkan, to lock (§ 173, n. 2); hrûkjan, to crow (s. Beitr., 6, 379); hnûþô, sting (Icel. hnúþa; s. Noreen, Nord. revy, April 1883).

(b) for nasalized u, the primitiv nasal being lost (cp. § 5, b; § 50, n. 1): þûhta (prt. of þugkjan, to think), þûhtus, thought (adj. þûhts); hûhrus, hunger; jûhiza (compar. to juggs), yunger; ûhtwô, daybreak; ûhteigs, ûhtiugs, seasonabl; bi-ûhts, accustomd (s. Brgm., I, 181).

Note 1. u is perhaps long in: þrûtsfill, leprosy (cp. ON. þrútinn, swoln; OE. þrûstfell; Beitr., 9, 254); anabûsns, commandment (Beitr., 9, 152 and 10, 497; Brgm., II, 287); lûns, ransom (Brgm., II, 285); sûts, sweet (OS. swôti, OE. swête; cp. however Kuhn's Zs., 26, 380); the suff. -dûþs (§ 103; cp. Beitr. 6, 380); jûs, ye (§ 150; Brgm., III, 374. 398). Sum write also fidûr- and -ûh (cp. § 24, n. 2).

Note 2. In Rûma, Rome, Rûmôneis, a Roman, û stands for the Lt. o.

Note 3. o for û occurs only in ôhteigô; II. Tim. IV, 2 (in codex B, for ûhteigô in A).

Note 4. For û becuming au before vowels, s. § 26, b.

ei

§ 16. Like Greek ει at the time of Wulfila, and in imitation of it, Gothic ei denotes long î.

Note 1. In Greek words ei uzually stands for ι, but also for ei, and sumtimes for η.

Note 2. Concerning ei for Goth. ê, s. § 7, n. 2.

Note 3. The difthongal pronunciation of ei suggested by J. Grimm is refuted also for linguistic reasons. Cp. J. Schmidt, 'Idg. Vocalismus', I, 485; Litbl. 1886, 485; Brgm., I, 57.

§ 17. ei in stem syllabls of Gothic words occurs especially in the prs. tense of the I. series (§ 30): beitan, to bite; steigan, to mount; þeihan, to thrive; in the inflection of these verbs it interchanges with ai and i.

Other exampls: ƕeila, time; eisarn, iron; leiþu, cider; þreis, 3; leihts, light; weihs, holy; skeirs, clear; pronouns: weis, we; meins, þeins, seins; – very often in formativ and inflectional syllabls; as, adjs. in -eigs (mahteigs, mighty); in -eins (aiweins, eternal); nomina actionis in -eins (laiseins, doctrin); nom. and gen. sg. of the m. ja-stems: haírdeis, herd; laisareis, teacher; nom. pl. of the i-decl.: gasteis; opt. prt.: nêmeis; final, in feminins in -ei: managei (§ 113); imperativs: sôkei, etc. (§ 186); the rel. particl ei (§ 157), alone and in composition.

Note 1. ei is quite often represented by ê; as akêtis; Mt. XXVII, 48; wêhsa; Mk. VIII, 26. 27; akê; Gal. II, 14; izê; Mk. IX, 1. Lu. VIII, 13. 15, etc. – Here perhaps belongs also awêþi (§ 7, e), which, however, occurs three times with ê: Jo. XVI, 16. I. Cor. IX, 7; cp. Beitr., 11, 32; 18, 286.

Note 2. Onse (in seiteina; II. Cor. XI, 28) occurs ei beside in (in sinteins, daily; sinteinô, always).

Note 3. Beside gabeigs, rich (gabei, riches), which occurs 5 times in Luke, also II. Cor. VIII, 9. Eph. II, 4 (in B), we find more frequently (11 times) gabigs (> gabigjan, to enrich; gabignan, to grow rich); cp. Brgm., II, 261. 271.

iu

§ 18. In the pronunciation of iu the stress is on the i, and u is a consonant.

Note 1. In Gothic words Latin writers render iu by eu, eo: Theudes, Theudicodo; Theodoricus. As to this, cp. Wrede, 'Wand', 100 et seq.; 'Ostg.', 167.

Note 2. In sium (§ 10, n. 4), niu (interr. particl = ni-u, § 216) iu is dissyllabic, i. e. í-ú.

§ 19. iu is a normal vowel of the present tense of the II. series (§ 31), and here it interchanges with the ablauts au, u: biugan, to bend; biudan, to offer. – In other words; as, þiuda, peple; dius, animal; liuhaþ, light; diups, deep; siuks, sick; niujis, new; niun, 9; iup, upward. – In formativ and inflectional syllabls iu does not occur, except in the isolated ûhtiugs (I. Cor. XVI, 12. Cp. Beitr., 12, 202).

Note. In triu, tree; qiujan, to quicken, etc., iu interchanges with iw before an inflectional vowel: gen. triwis; prt. qiwida; cp. § 42.

ai

ai in Gothic words denotes two etymologically, and certainly also fonetically, different sounds.

§ 20. I. The short vowel aí [= a in E. fat]. ai is uzed in Gothic to denote a short, open e¹-sound. In this case, according to Grimm's exampl, grammarians put an accute accent over the i (aí) in order to distinguish it from ái (§ 21). Gothic ai corresponds to e or i in OHG. and in the other Germanic languages. The short e-sound represented by aí occurs:

(1) before h (ƕ) and r, which sounds hav caused breaking of every preceding short i to e (aí; § 10, n. 3); e. g., aírþa, erth; waírpan, to throw; baírhts, bright; faíhu, catl; maíhstus, dung; raíhts, right; taíhun, 10; saíƕan, to see; þaíhum (prt. pl. of þeihan, to grow). (2) in reduplicated syllabls (§ 178 et seq.): haíhald, aíaik, laílôt, saísô, etc. Cp. Osthoff, 'Zur Geschichte des Perfects', p. 276 et seq. Brugmann, IV, 15. (3) in the conj. aíþþau, or (= OHG. ëddo, ahd. gr. § 167, n. 11; cp. Beitr. 12, 211); probably, also, in waíla, wel (= OHG. wëla, ahd. gr., § 29, n. 4), but cp. Beitr. 11, 553.

Note 1. The law for the transition of i to ai before h and r (so-calld breaking or refraction) is almost without exception, and equally concerns the Germanic i in general and the Gothic is (§ 10) in particular. The i before h, r, is retaind only in the following words: nih, 'neque' (= ni uh), hiri, (cum) here!; du. hirjats, pl. hirjiþ (219); and in the isolated forms: sihu, victory (cp. § 106, n. 1), þarihis (a probably corrupt form in Mt. IX, 16), adj. in gen. sg., not fuld (said of cloth). Cp. IF. 4, 334 et seq.

Note 2. Not every ai before h, r is aí, but may also be the old difthong; e. g., þáih (prt. of þeihan, like ráis, prt. of reisan, but pl. þaíhum, like risum, § 30), áih, I hav; áihts, property; háihs, one-eyd; fáih, deceit (Beitr., 12, 397); áir, erly (OHG. êr); sáir (OHG. sêr), sorrow; áirus, messenger. Whether ai has the value of ái or aí can in most cases only be inferd from the remaining Germanic languages.

Note 3. In Latin orthografy aí is exprest by e; e. g., Ermanaricus = Goth. *Aírmanareiks, Ermenberga = Goth. *Aírminbaírga. Cp. Wrede, 'Ostg.', 162.

Note 4. ai is to be regarded as a difthong (ái) in baitrs, bitter; jains, yon, that (and its derivations), while formerly, according to OHG. bittar, jenêr, it was thought to be short (aí). Cp. Holtzmann, 'Altd. Gr.', p. 11 et seq.; Brgm., I, 392; Bezzenb. Beitr., 16, 156. – Scherer (Zur Gesch. d. dtsch. Sprache) presumed short aí also in the 3d pers. sg. prs. opt. (like nimai) and in several forms of the strong inflection of adjs. (nom. pl. m. blindai, gen. sg. f. blindaizôs, gen. pl. blindaizê, blindaizô). Hirt (Beitr., 18, 284 et seq.) goes stil farther in this direction. – Cp. also § 22, n. 3.

§ 21. II. The old Difthong ai. By far the greater number of the Gothic ais express a difthongal sound which is equivalent to OHG. ei or ê (ahd. gr., §§ 43. 44), OS. ê, ON. ei. The Goths of Wulfila's time indeed seem to hav stil pronounced this ai as a + i. – For the difthong ai we employ Grimm's sign ái whenever it is likely to be confused with aí. Exampls of difthongal ai (before h, r, cp. § 20, n. 2): The prts. sg. of the I. ablaut-series (§ 30), —bait, I bit (inf. beitan); staig, I mounted (inf. steigan); etc.; wait (§ 197); ains, one; hlaifs, (loaf of) bred; staiga, path; laisjan, to teach; —haitan, to be calld; maitan, to cut; skaidan, to separate; aiws, time; —hails, hale, sound; dails, deal.

ai appears also in inflectional syllabls of the III. Weak Conjugation (§ 191): habais, habaida, etc.; in the prs. opt.: nimais, etc.; anstais, gen. sg. of the i-decl.; in the str. adjs.: blindaizôs, etc. (§ 123); – final: gibai, anstai, dat. sg.: nimai, 3 prs. sg. opt.; blindai, dat. sg. f. and nom. pl. m. of the str. adj.; – monosyllabls: þai, nom. pl., these; twai, 2; bai, both; jai, yes; sai, behold!; wai, woe!

Note 1. Latin writers express the Gothic ai predominantly by ai, ei: Dagalaiphus, Gaina, Radagaisus, Gisaleicus (cp. Dietrich, 'Ausspr.'), eils in a Lt. epigram (Zs. fda., 1, 379). On the Bukarest rune-ring (cp. § 221, n. 3) stands hailag (Paul's 'Grundriss', I, 411). – Concerning the difthongal pronunciation of the Gothic ai, cp. especially Wrede, 'Wand.', 95 et seq.; about monofthongization in East Goth., s. Wrede, 'Ostg.', 165.

Note 2. ai and aj interchange in wai, woe!; wai-dêdja, evil-doer, and waja-mêrjan, to blasfeme; in aiws, time, and ajukdûþs, eternity.

§ 22. Many scholars hold that also the ai in the reduplicating ablaut vs. (§ 182) saian and waian is difthongal. This ai, however, stands etymologically for Gothic ê, and its OHG. equivalent is â (not ei): OHG. sâen, wâen (cp. ahd. gr., § 359, n. 3.) The difthong ai before a vowel would becum aj; hense, *sajan, *wajan. Here ai perhaps has the sound of long æ, i. e. open e representing close e (ê) when followd by a vowel; thus, saian, waian, for sêan, wêan.

Note 1. Before the i of the 3d pers. sg. prs. a j is often found: saijiþ (Mk. IV, 14), saijiþ (II. Cor. IX, 6 in A, for saiiþ in B; Gal. VI, 7. 8. in A, for saiiþ in B). Before a the j occurs but onse: saijands (Mk. IV, 14). Cp. Beitr. 11, 75 et seq.

Note 2. Here belongs also the isolated faian (Rom. IX, 19, in prs. faianda); but the prs. to the prt. laílôun is lauan rather than laian. Cp. Beitr. 11, 56.

Note 3. Also the ai in armaiô, alms (Bezzenb. Beitr. 7, 210; Beitr. 11, 74), is likely to belong here. – Concerning the fonetic values of the ais discust here, cp. especially Beitr. 11, 51 et seq.; Brgm., I, pp. 126. 127; Wrede, 'Wand.' 99, who, beside Holtzmann, is inclined to assume a long sound for these ais; Noreen, 'Urg. Lautlehre', p. 35 et seq.

§ 23. That the Goth. ai may be both short and long (like a in E. at, fare) is evident from its regular occurrence in Greek words. As a rule, ai = ε in aikklêsjô, ἐκκλησία; Aileisabaiþ, Ἐλισάβεθ; Baiailzaibul, Βεελζεβούλ; Gainnêsaraiþ, Γεννησαρέτ, etc.; likewise = αι (i. e. long æ): Idumaia, Ἰδουμαία; Haíbraius, Ἑβραῖος; hairaísis, αἵρεσις, etc.

Note. Gothic ai for Greek η is exceptional; e. g., Hairodiadins, gen. to Ἡρωδίας (Mk. VI, 17); Neikaúdaimus (Skeir. 52); Νικόδημος (for Nikaúdêmus elsewhere.)

au

Also Goth. au (like ai) stands for historically and fonetically different sounds.

§ 24. I. The short vowel aú. —au in Gothic denotes a short open o-sound. In this case grammarians put an accute accent over the u (aú) in order to keep it apart from the difthong au. Goth. aú corresponds to o or u in OHG. and in the other Germanic languages.

The aú, before h and r in Gothic words, has in every instance developt from a short u which, when immediately followd by these sounds, was 'broken' to short ŏ. E. g.

waúrms, wurm; haúrn, horn; baúrgs (OHG. burg), city; waúrd, word; waúrpum, prt. pl. of waírpan, to throw (cp. § 32); saúhts (OHG. suht), sickness; daúhtar, daughter; aúhsa, ox; taúhum, prt. pl. of tiuhan, to pul; baúhta, prt. of bugjan, to buy.

Note 1. aú before other sounds is entirely exceptional and sumwhat doutful. Thus, in auftô, perhaps (onse also ufto; Mt. XXVII, 64), bisauljan, to sully; bisaulnan, to becum sullied. Holtzmann (altd. gr., p. 14) regards also ufbauljan (II. Tim. III, 4) as belonging to this class.

Note 2. The change of short u into aú before h is without exception. An apparent exception is the enclitic -uh, and, the u of which must be referd to a secondary development; it is never found after a short accented vowel, nor after a long vowel or difthong; e. g., sa-h, ni-h, þai-h, wiljáu-h, ƕarjanô-h; u occurs after consonants, and in polysyllabic words in which a final short a before the u was elided; as, ƕaz-uh, þammuh (= þamma uh), qiþuh (= qiþa uh). Sum, however, assume -ûh (cp. Beitr. 18, 299). – Other us before h ar all long: þûhta (cp. § 15). – There ar a few cases of u before r in unaccented syllabls (§ 13, n. 1), namely in the foren words spaikulâtur and paúrpura (beside paúrpaúra), purpl; so, also, in the Gothic fidur- (§ 141, n. 1) which, however, stands perhaps for fidûr- (cp. IF. 4, 334). – The prefix ur- (in urreisan, urruns, etc.) does not belong here; it is a late form for us the s of which was assimilated to a following r (§ 78, n. 4).

Note 3. Not every au before h and r has developt from u, but may also be the difthong au; as, háuhs, high; táuh, prt. of tiuhan (but pl. taúhum, § 31); gáurs, sorry (cp. OHG. gôrag, wreched, and Goth. gaunôn, to mourn).

Note 4. The au for u in the endings of the u-declension may be aú, but also áu which would be due to confusion caused by analogy. Beitr., 18, 280. – Cp. also uftô for auftô, § 24, n. 1.

Note 5. As a rule, the Greek ο is represented by aú; e. g., apaustaulus, ἀπόστολος; alabalstraun, ἀλάβαστρον; Barþaulaumaius, Βαρθολομαῖος; Pauntius, Πόντιος; aú = υ in Saúr, Σύρος; paúrpaúra, πορφύρα. – Goth. aú = o in the East Gothic name Thorisa. (Wrede, 'Ostg.', 76. 165).

§ 25. II. The old difthong au [= ou in E. house]. Every au not broken from u (before h, r; s. § 24 and note 3) is a difthong; it corresponds to OHG. au, ou, or ô (ahd. gr., §§ 45. 46), OS. ô, ON. au. Whenever it is likely to be confused with aú, we put (according to Grimm), an accute accent over the a (áu). E. g.

The prts. sg. of the II. ablaut-series (§ 31): gaut, I pour (inf. giutan); laug, I lied, etc.; laugnjan, to deny; daupjan, to baptize; galaubjan, to believ; galaubeins, belief; rauþs, red; dauþus, deth; —aukan, to increase; hlaupan, to run; stautan, to push, strike; —haubiþ, hed; augô, ey.

au in inflections and final occurs in the u-declension: sunaus, sunau; 1st pers. sg. opt.: nimau, nêmjau; 3d pers. sg. imper.: lausjadau; opt. midl: haitaidau.

Note 1. au often interchanges with aw (cp. § 42); e. g., taujan, prt. tawida, to do; mawi, gen. maujôs, girl; sniwan, prt. snau, to hasten.

Note 2. Latin writers express Goth. au by au; as, Ausila, Austrovaldus, Audericus. Cp. Wrede, 'Wand.', 96 et seq. Concerning East Gothic monofthongizations, s. Wrede, 'Ostg.', 165 et seq. (Zs. fda., 36, 2732).

Note 3. In the u-declension u is often found for áu; cp. § 24, n. 4; § 105, n. 2.

§ 26. Another au, historically, and probably also fonetically, different from the preceding ones occurs before vowels.

(a) For original ô: stauida, prt. of stôjan, to judge; staua, f., judgment; staua, m., judge; taui, n., gen. tôjis, deed (cp. also ubiltôjis, evil-doer; taujan, to do, prt. tawida); afmauidai and afdauidai, pps. of *afmôjan, and *afdôjan, to tire out, weary; sauil, n., sun.

(b) For û in the other Germanic languages: trauan (OHG. trûên), to trust; bauan (OHG. bûan), to dwel; bnauan, to rub (to pieces or powder. ON. (g)núa, OHG. nûan). Cp. also § 179, n. 2.

Sinse this au does not change into aw before vowels, it must denote a monofthong which is likely to be the long of aú, hense a long open o (= a in E. fall), while long close o (shading very much to û, like ô in E. home) is denoted by ô. Accordingly, Goth. antevocalic ô, û past into au. Cp. Brgm., I, 156. For the extensiv literature on this question, s. Noreen's 'Urgerm. Lautlehre', p. 34; also Beitr., 17, 563-567.

Note 1. Also Gr. ω before a vowel, which is represented as a rule by ô, is renderd by au: Trauada, Τρῳάς; Nauêl, Νωέ; Lauidja, Λωίς.

Note 2. ô before u occurs, however, in the preterit forms waiwôun (inf. waian, § 182), lailôun (inf. *lauan, § 179, 4). Cp. Beitr., 11, 742.

APPENDIX

§ 27. Beside the vowel-signs discust in the foregoing paragrafs, a few consonant-signs may likewise discharge the function of vowels, for the Gothic liquids l, r and the nasals m, n ar very often vocalic (i. e. syllabic) at the end of a word after a consonant. Here an original suffixal vowel was lost in most cases, and in its place the following liquid or nasal became the bearer of the accent. Thus the Gothic has dissyllabic words with vocalic liquids or vocalic nasals (sonant liquids or sonant nasals); as, akrs, field; fugls, bird; taikns, token; maiþms, present.

Note In the West Germanic languages a new vowel (OHG. a) has developt from these vocalic liquids and nasals; e. g., OHG. akkar, fogal, zeihhan, OS. mêþom. Cp. ahd. gr., § 65, and Brgm., I, 190. 237.

CHAP. III. TABLE OF THE GOTHIC VOWELS

A. FONETIC SYSTEM

§ 28. In the preceding paragrafs the Gothic vowels hav been givn according to the letters by which they ar represented. Now they wil be arranged according to the nature of their sounds, the following scale of seven vowels from i to u being taken as a basis:

i e æ a ǫ o u.

e and o denote here the close e and o (which shade very much to i and u, respectivly); æ = open e (= a in fat, fare); ǫ = open o.

In the following survey we shal state after each of these vowel grades whether it occurs in Gothic, and by what letter it is exprest.

B. HISTORICAL SYSTEM (Ablaut-Series)

§ 29. The Gothic vowels, as regarded from a historico-etymological point of view, may be groupt into a number of series of related vowels. The vowels belonging to such a series may interchange in formations with the same root; in the formation of tenses and in the verbal and nominal derivation all vowels of the same series may occur, but not such as hav nothing in common with that series. This change of vowels within a series is calld ablaut (or gradation), the series themselvs ablaut-series. The ablaut-series ar most perceptibl in the verb. The relation between the vowels of the same series is not a fonetic but a historical one; to establish it, we must pass beyond the limits of the Germanic languages and take recourse to the comparativ grammar of the Indo-Germanic languages. The Gothic ablaut-series as appearing in verbal inflection ar these (cp. § 172 et seq.):

§ 30. I. Series: ei ai i (aí).

Exampls: reisan (urreisan), rais, risum, risans, to rize; urraisjan, to raiz; urrists, f., resurrection; —þeihan, þaíh, þaíhum, þaíhans, to thrive; —wait, I know; pl. witum; weitan, to see; weitwôds, witness; miþ-wissei, conscience; witubni, n., knowledge; —lais, I know; lubja-leisei, f., wichcraft; lists, f. (?), stratagem; laisjan, to teach.

Note. The i of this series is the proethnic Germanic i mentiond in § 10, b.

§ 31. II. Series: iu au u (aú).

Exampls: giuta, gaut, gutum, gutans, to pour; gutnan, to pour (intr.); —liugan, laug, lugum, lugans, to lie; liugnja, m., liar; liugn, n., lie; analaugns, hidn; laugnjan, to deny; —galaubjan, to believ; galaubeins, belief; liufs, dear; lubô, f., luv; lubains, f., hope; —siuks, sick; saúhts, f., sickness; —driusan, to fall; drausjan, to drop (tr.); drus, m., fall; driusô, f., slope.

Note. The vowel û is rare in this series; cp. lûkan, to lock (§ 173, n. 2); anabûsns (? § 15, n. 1), command, < biudan.

§ 32. III. Series: i (aí) a u (aú).

The themes of this series always hav two consonants after the vowel, mostly a liquid or a nasal in gemination, or a liquid or a nasal + another consonant. E. g.

bindan, band, bundum, bundans, to bind; bandi, f., band; bandja, m., prisoner; gabinda, f., band, bond; and-bundnan, to becum loose; gabundi, f., bond; —rinnan, to run; rannjan, to cause to run; runs, m., a run, course; rinnô, f., brook; —waírpan, warp, waúrpum, waúrpans, to throw; uswaúrpa, f., a casting out or away, an outcast; —þaírsan, to be dry; þaúrsnan, to wither; þaúrsus, dry, witherd; þaúrstei, thirst; —drigkan, to drink; dragkjan, to giv to drink; dragk, n., a drink, potion; -drukja, m., a drinker; drugkanei, f., drunkenness; —þriskan, to thresh; gaþrask, n., threshing-floor.

Note. The i of this and the following two series is that givn in § 10, a (= proethnic Germanic e).

§ 33. IV. Series: i (aí) a ê u (aú).

The stems of this series hav a simpl liquid or nasal after the vowel. E. g.

niman, nam, nêmum, numans, to take; -numja, m., taker; anda-numts, f., a receiving; andanêms, agreeabl; andanêm, n., a receiving; —baíran, bar, bêrum, baúrans, to bear; baúr, m., 'natus'; barn, n., child; bêrusjôs, parents; —ga-timan, to becum, suit; ga-tamjan, to tame; gatêmiba, fitly.

Note. To this series belongs also brikan, brak, brêkum, brukans, to break: gabruka, f., a broken bit; us-bruknan, to break off (intr.); brakja, f., strugl. – Also trudan, to tred; § 175, n. 2.

§ 34. V. Series: i (aí) a ê.

The vowel of the stems of this series is followd by a singl consonant other than a liquid or a nasal. E. g.

giban, gaf, gêbum, gibans, to giv; giba, f., gift; gabei, f., richness; —sitan, to sit; satjan, to set; anda-sêts, abominabl; —mitan, to mezure; mitôn, to consider; mitaþs, f., mezure; usmêt, n., manner of life; —ga-nisan, to be saved, recuver; nasjan, to save; ganists, salvation.

Note. Also saíƕan, saƕ, sêƕum, saíƕans, belongs to this class, because ƕ represents a singl sound; § 63, n. 1.

§ 35. VI. Series: a ô.

Most of the stems of this series end in a singl consonant. E. g.

wakan, wôk, wôkum, wakans, to wake; waknan, to awake; wahtwô, f., wach; wôkains, f., a waching; —graban, to dig; grôba, f., pit, hole; graba, f., dich; —fraþjan, frôþ, to understand; fraþi, n., understanding; frôþs, wise; frôdei, f., understanding, wisdom; —hafjan, hôf, to heav (tr.); -hafnan, to heav (intr.); haban, to hav, hold; ungahôbains, f., incontinency; —ôg, I fear; unagands, fearless; ôgjan, to frighten; usagjan, to terrify; agis, n., fear; —sakan, to contend; sakjô, f., strife; sôkjan, to seek; sôkns, f., serch, inquiry; unand-sôks, irrefutabl.

§ 36. Series: ê ô (VII. Ablaut-Series).

A connection between ê and ô occurs in the so-calld reduplicating ablaut-verbs lêtan, laílôt, etc.; saian (= *sêan, § 22), saísô, etc.; cp. § 180 et seq.

Note. This series is no longer found in the verbal inflection of the remaining Germanic languages, but its existence is proved by its occurring in word-formation; as, OHG. (â: ô) tât, f., tôn, tuon, to do; – knâan, to know: knôt, chnuat, f., kin. – For more on this point, s. Beitr. 11, 262 et seq.

CHAP. IV. THE CONSONANTS

§ 37. The consonant-signs to be discust here both in regard to value and occurrence in the Gothic language hav alredy been enumerated in § 2. We divide the consonantal sounds in sonorous consonants and noizd sounds. Cp. Sievers, Grundzüge der Phonetik4, p. 70 et seq. Accordingly, the Gothic consonant-signs w, j, l, m, n, r, represent the sonorous sounds, the rest the noizd sounds.

A. SONOROUS CONSONANTS

1. The semivowels w and j

§ 38. Germanic w and j ar the vowels u and i uzed as consonants; hense in Gothic the interchange between i and j, u and w, according to their position which determins their fonetic values as vowels or consonants. The consonantal i and u, which in other languages ar denoted by the same signs as the vocalic i and u, hav special signs in Gothic, j and w. These sounds ar also calld 'semivowels'.

w

§ 39. The sign of the Gothic alfabet which we represent by w, is, according to its form and alfabetic position, the Gr. υ. For this it also stands in Greek foren words, for exampl, Pawlus, Παῦλος; Daweid, Δαυίδ; aíwaggêljô, εὐαγγέλιον; paraskaíwê, παρασκευή. But the Gothic w stands not only for the Gr. υ of the combinations αυ, ευ, in which it had perhaps at that time assumed the value of a spirant, but also for simpl Greek υ, namely vocalic υ; as, Swmaíôn, Συμεών; swnagôgê, συναγωγή; martwr, μάρτυρ. But in our transcriptions of the Gothic texts the Greek vocalic υ is exprest by y instead of w (Symaíôn, synagôgê, martyr); so, also, for practical reasons, in this book.

Note 1. A noteworthy Gothic transcription is kawtsjô (= Lt. cautio) in the document at Naples (§ 221, n. 3). Cp. Wrede, 'Ostg.', 166; Zs. fda., 36, 273.

Note 2. The Gothic sign is in most of the later editions represented by v. But because of its correspondence in the other Germanic languages the letter w should be uzed (as, Goth. wilja, MHG. NHG. wille, OE. willa, NE. wil). Cp. Beitr., 12, 218 et seq.

§ 40. In Gothic words the w originally had the fonetic value of the consonantal u (= E. w). But at Wulfila's time the u-sound seems to hav alredy containd sumwhat of a spirant. Cp. Zs. fda., 36, 266 et seq. (37, 121 et seq.).

Note. Latin writers uzually express the w in proper nouns by uu. Vvilia, Uualamir; but also often by Ub: Ubadala (= Wadila), Ubadamirus (= Wadamêrs), etc. Greek authors mostly put οὐ for the Goth. w (as in Οὐάνδαλοι), but also β (as in Βάνδαλοι). Cp. Dietrich, pp. 77-80. Wrede, 'Wand.', 102; 'Ostg.', 167 et seq.

§ 41. Initial Gothic w occurs frequently; e. g., wasjan, to clothe; witan, to know; wiljan, to wil; waír, man; warmjan, to warm.

So also before l and r; as, wlits, countenance; wrikan, to persecute; wrôhjan, to accuse.

After the consonants: t, d, þ, s; e. g., twai, two; dwals, foolish; þwahan, to wash; swistar, sister.

Medial w before vowels; e. g., awistr, sheepfold; saiwala, soul; hneiwan, to bow; siggwan, to sing; ûhtwô, dawn; taíhswô, right hand; nidwa, rust.

Note. The signs q (kw) and ƕ (hw) ar also uzually explaind as combinations of w with k and h. There ar reasons, however, to assume that q and ƕ ar simpl labialized gutturals (§§ 59. 63). But on the other hand q and ƕ in High German ar treated precisely like Goth. tw, gw, etc. (= t, g, etc., medial w being dropt); for exampl, Goth. ûhtwô, siggwan = OHG. ûhta, singan; and Goth. sigqan, saíƕan = OHG. sinkan, sehan. Altho this proves nothing as to the values of the Gothic signs, it certainly shows that in proethnic Germanic the tw, gw, etc., must hav denoted sounds analogous to those of kw and hw.

§ 42. (1) w remains unchanged after long vowels, difthongs, and consonants, (a) finally, (b) before the s of the nominativ, (c) before j; e. g., (a) lêw, n., opportunity; hlaiw, n., grave;, waúrstw, n., work; (b) snaiws, snow; triggws, tru, faithful; (c) lêwjan, to betray; hnaiwjan, to abase; skadwjan, to cast a shade (< skadus, shade); arwjô, adv., in vain.

(2) in all three positions, however, w becums u after a short vowel; e. g., (a) snau (prt. to sniwan, § 176, n. 2); triu, tree (gen. triwis); *kniu, knee (gen. kniwis, § 94, n. 1); (b) naus, m., a ded person (gen. nawis); *þius, servant (gen. þiwis, § 91, n. 3); (c) mawi, gen. maujôs, girl; gawi, gen. gaujis, district; þiwi, gen. þiujôs, maid-servant; tawida, pres. taujan, to do; *straujan, to strew, prt. strawida; iujan, to quicken, prt. qiwida. – Cp. Grundr., I, 414; Zs. fda., 36, 277.

Note 1. Hense a word does not end in aw, iw; aws, iws, except the isolated lasiws, weak (II. Cor. X, 10).

Note 2. aw for au occurs before j in usskawjan, to awake; II. Tim. II, 26 (in B); I. Cor. XV, 34 (ussk..jiþ in MS.); and in the nom. pl. usskawai (unskawai in MS.), wakeful; I. Thess. V, 8; cp. § 124, n. 3.

Note 3. No exampl occurs for the position of medial w before consonants other than j and s; before n after a short vowel u is found in qiunan (< qiwa-), to becum alive; siuns (cp. saíƕa-).

j

§ 43. The sign j stands, as a rule, for the Greek antevocalic ι, in Akaja, Αχαία; Marja, Μαρία; Judas, Ἰούδας; Iskarjôtês, Ἰσκαριώτης, etc. But Gr. antevocalic ι is also often represented by Goth. i; as, Iskariôtês, Zakarias, Gabriêl, Iûdas. – The sign j in Gothic pronunciation probably has the value of a consonantal i, not that of the spirant j in German.

§ 44. (a) Initial j in Gothic words: juk, yoke; jêr, year; ju, alredy; jus, yu. (b) Medial j occurs after vowels and after consonants, but always before vowels, never before consonants; e. g., midjis, 'medius'; lagjan, to lay; niujis, new; frauja, lord; þrija, 'tria'; bajôþs, both. (c) ji is contracted into ei after a consonant belonging to the same syllabl, but is retaind when the syllabl begins with j (cp. Beitr. 16, 282). The latter is the case when it is preceded by a short high-toned vowel with a singl consonant or by a long stem-vowel without a consonant. Exampls – concerning particularly the masculins (and neuters) of the ja-stems (§§ 92. 127) – ar: har-jis, tô-jis (doer), but haír-deis, dat. haírd-ja; – also the I. Weak Conjugation (§ 185): sô-kja, sô-keis, sô-keiþ; san-dja, san-deiþ; miki-lja, miki-leiþ; but nas-ja, nas-jis, nas-jiþ; stô-ja, stô-jis, stô-jiþ.

Note 1. The rule under (c) may, practically, also be worded in the following manner: ji becums ei after a long stem-syllabl and after secondary syllabls, but remains ji after a short stem-syllabl and immediately after a long stem-vowel. – For exceptions, s. § 95; § 108, n. 2; § 132, n. 1.

Note 2. Only i is often employd for medial ij before vowels; s. § 10, n. 4; for j occurring sporadically in the inflection of saian, s. § 22, n. 1.

§ 45. j is never final; in this position it always becums i; e. g., harjis, acc. hari; mawi, gen. maujôs (s. § 42, 2, c); taui, deed, gen. tôjis.

Note 1. For the change of aj and ai, s. § 21, n. 2.

2. Liquids

l

§ 46. Gothic l occurs often, – initially, medially, and finally; as, laggs, long; galaubjan, to believ; liuhaþ, light; laúhmuni, lightning; wiljan, to wil; aljis, 'alius'; blôma, flower; – dubl l, as in fill, hide; fulls, ful; wulla, wool.

Note 1. l is syllabic (§ 27), for exampl, in fugls, bird (fowl); tuggl, constellation, star; tagl, hair; swumfsl, pond; sigljan, to seal.

Note 2. Goth. l always corresponds to Gr. λ. It is interpolated in alabalstraún, ἀλάβαστρον.

r

§ 47. r is equivalent to Gr. ρ and occurs frequently in Gothic words; e. g., raíhts, right; raubôn, to rob; baíran, to bear; fidwôr, four. – Dubl r is rare: qaírrus, meek; andstaúrran, to threten; faírra, far.

Note 1. Syllabic r (§ 27) occurs, for exampl, in akrs, field; brôþr, dat. sg. of brôþar (§ 114), brother; figgrs, finger; tagr, tear; hlûtrs, pure; fagrs, suitabl; maúrþr, murder; huggrjan, to hunger.

Note 2. Every i before r becums aí, and every u in the same position aú; s. §§ 20. 24.

Note 3. Concerning r from z, s. § 78, n. 4; § 24, n. 2.

3. Nasals

m

§ 48. m occurs in all positions of a word; as, mizdô, f., reward; mêna, m., moon; ams, m., shoulder; guma, m., man; finally: nam, I took; in the terminations of the dat. pl., —dagam, etc.; 1st pers. pl., —nimam, nêmum, etc. – Dubl (mm) in swamms (cp. § 80, n. 1), spunge; wamm, n., spot; in the pronominal dat. sg., —imma, blindamma.

Note. Syllabic m (§ 27) in maiþms, present; bagms, tree.

n

§ 49. Initial n in nahts, night; niujis, new; ni (negation), etc.; medial: kuni, n., kin; ains, one, etc.; final: laun, n., reward; niun, nine; often in inflection; as, dat. sg. hanin, inf. niman, nêmun (3d pers. pl. prt.), etc.

Dubl n (nn) occurs frequently; e. g., brinnan, to burn; spinnan, to spin; rinnan, to run; kann, I know; kannjan, to make known; manna, man; brunna, wel, spring. Dubl n remains finally and before j, but is simplified before other consonants (s. § 80): kant, kunþa (inf. kunnan), rant (2nd pers. sg. prt.; inf. rinnan), brunsts (inf. brinnan), ur-runs (< rinnan), outlet.

Note. Syllabic n (§ 27) in usbeisns, f., expectation; taikns, f., token; ibns, even; laugnjan, to deny; swêgnjan, to triumf, rejoice.

§ 50. Before guttural consonants n becums a guttural nasal which (in imitation of the Gr.) is denoted by g (gg; s. § 67).

Note. The (guttural) nasal disappears before h, and the preceding short vowel is lengthend. S. § 5, b; § 15, b (Brgm., I, 182 et seq.).

B. NOIZD SOUNDS

1. Labials

p

§ 51. The letter p, which does not occur very often in Gothic, corresponds to Gr. π.

(a) Initially, p may be regarded as being altogether wanting in purely Gothic words; the exampls which do occur ar either obviously foren words or at least etymologically obscure, if not loanwords too: plinsjan, to dance; plats, pach; anapraggan, to harass; paida, coat; puggs, purse; peikabagms, date-palm; pund, pound; plapja, street ('platea'); pistikeins, πιστικός, paúrpura, purpl.

(b) p occurs in purely Gothic words medially and finally; e. g., slêpan, to sleep; greipan, to gripe; ƕôpan, to boast; skapjan, to shape, make; hlaupan, to run; diups, deep; waírpan, to throw; hilpan, to help; skip, ship; iup, upwards. – Initial sp in speiwan, to spit; sparwa, sparrow; spillôn, to narrate; spinnôn, to spin.

Note 1. pp does not occur.

Note 2. p before t becums f in gaskafts, f., creature (cp. skapjan); ƕôftuli, f., glory (cp. ƕôpan). Cp. § 81.

f

§ 52. Gothic f in foren words corresponds to Gr. φ; e. g., Filippus, Φίλιππος; Kajafa, Καϊάφας. Latin writers render Goth. f mostly by ph (Dietrich, p. 75); as, Dagalaiphus, Phaeba. Hense Goth. f was probably a bilabial, not a labiodental spirant, as is also evident from Goth. fimf, hamfs.

Note. f is regarded as labiodental by Jellinek; Zs. fda., 36, 275 et seq.

§ 53. (a) Initial f occurs often in Gothic words; e. g., fôtus, foot; fadar, father; flôdus, flud; faíhu (catl), muney; fûls, foul; frôþs, wise, judicious; frius, cold; fidwôr, 4.

(b) Medially and finally f occurs in but a small number of Gothic words; as, hlifan, to steal; hafjan, to heav; hiufan, to lament; lôfa, m., palm of the hand; ufar, over; afar, after. Before consonants: luftus, air; hamfs, maimd; tweifls, dout; wulfs, wolf; – (final) fimf, five; hôf (prt. of hafjan); þarf, I need (inf. þaúrban).

Note 1. Finally and before the s of the nom., f occurs very often for medial b; s. § 56.

Note 2. Medial f before t (n) stands for b (§ 56, n. 4), before t also for p (§ 51, n. 2).

Note 3. ff is not found.

b

§ 54. b corresponds to Gr. β, for which it stands in foren words; e. g., barbarus, βάρβαρος; Iakôb, Ἰακώβ. The pronunciation of the Gr. β was that of a labial soft spirant [nearly = E. v]. In like manner Goth. b has the value of a soft (voiced) labiolabial spirant medially after vowels, while initially and medially after consonants it denotes a soft stop (= E. b).

Note 1. Gothic b between vowels in Latin foren words stands for Lt. v, but after m for b: Silbanus, Silvanus; Naúbaímbaír, November; (ana)kumbjan, cumbere.

Note 2. In Gothic names Latin writers employ Lt. b for Gothic b initially and after a consonant (as, Amala-berga, Hildi-bald, Albila), but medially between vowels Lt. v is uzed (as, Liuva, Erelieva); cp. Dietrich, p. 71; Beitr., 1, 148 et seq.; Wrede, 'Ostg.', 169; Zs. fda., 36, 275.

§ 55. Exampls of b:

(a) initially: baíran, to bear; beitan, to bite; brikan, to break; brûkjan, to uze; blêsan, to blow; biudan, to offer; blôma, flower; brôþar, brother; bôka, letter; bnauan, to rub.

(b) medially: liuba (w. m. adj.), dear; galaubjan, to believ; graban, to dig; sibja, relationship; arbi, inheritance; kalbô, hefer; —haubiþ, hed; hlaibis (gen. of hlaifs), bred; sibun, seven; haban, to hav; skaban, to shave; (bi-)leiban, to remain; liban, to liv; biraubôn, to rob; salbôn, to salv, anoint.

Note. bb occurs in foren words only; as, sabbatus.

§ 56. b after consonants (l, m, r) remains finally, before the s of the nom., and before the t of the 2nd pers. sg. prt.; postvocalic b becums f. This means that postvocalic b was a soft spirant (§ 54) which, finally, changed into the corresponding hard spirant, while postconsonantal b, medially and finally, had the value of a stop. Hense giban, to giv, 1st and 3d pers. sg. prt.: gaf, 2nd. pers. gaft, 2nd sg. imper.: gif; hlaifs, bred, acc. hlaif, nom. pl. hlaibôs; – but lamb, lam; dumbs, dum; swaírban, to wipe, prt. swarb.

Note 1. Our texts contain a few exceptions to the rule of final f for medial b after vowels, but the preponderant number of exampls prove the validity of the rule which is fonetically founded and has a striking analogon in the OS. geƀan – gaf; lioƀo – liof (but lamb). The exceptional cases with final b (21 in all) occur only in definit parts of the texts (7 in Lu., 5 in the epistls to the Thess., 4 in Jo., 3 in Skeir., in all the other texts only onse each in Mk. and Eph.). Therefore the anomalous bs may be referd to the writers of the respectiv parts, who either from purely orthografic considerations put the medial bs also finally, or in order to express a later pronunciation as it existed at their time, according to which voiced sounds occurd also finally. The latter supposition is founded on the fact that in the Arezzo document (of the 6th century) the spelling Gudilub occurs. – Cp. also the remarks on the interchange of d and þ in § 74, n. 1.

The exceptions in the verb ar rare, only grôb (Lu. VI, 48) and gadôb (Skeir. 42); – the forms with f occur in gaf, gaft, gif (very often); onse each: grôf (inf. graban), swaif (inf. sweiban), bilaif (inf. bileiban), skauf (inf. skiuban). Accordingly, we may safely write draif (prt. of dreiban, to drive).

Of nouns only hlaifs is often found: nom. hlaifs (12 times, onse hlaibs), acc. hlaif (19 times, hlaib seven times); —twalif, twelv (12 times, twalib 3 times); accordingly, also *ainlif (dat. ainlibim).

Furthermore the following nominativs must be regarded as normal forms: *stafs, element (only stabim occurs); *laufs, leaf (only galaubamma 3 times, filugalaubis, galubaim), *gadôfs, becuming (onse gadôf, 4 times gadôb), *liufs, dear (only forms with more than one syllabl occur: liubai, liuba, liubana, etc.). Lastly, also *þiufs (= OS. thiof), thief, tho the nom. accidentally occurs (4 times) as þiubs, beside þiubôs (twice), þiubê.

Note 2. Subject to the abuv rule ar also the preps. of and uf, the f of which becums medial by enclisis and is changed into b before the following vowel; ab-u, ub-uh. In composition, however, f remains: af-êtja, voracious eater; uf-aiþeis, under oath. (Cp. us in § 78, n. 4).

Note 3. An apparent exception is þarf, I want (for þarb), pl. þaúrbum; but þarf has real f (§ 53) and must be kept apart from the pl. with b (s. ahd. gr., § 101). b stands correctly in the adj. gaþaúrbs. Cp. § 79, n. 2.

Note 4. f before t in derivativ words stands for b elsewhere (§ 81): gifts, f., gift (< giban, onse fragibtim; Lu. I, 27), þaúrfts, necessity. b is common before n: ibns, stibna, daubnan, drôbnan, but the ending -ubni interchanges with -ufni; as, fraistubni, temptation, but waldufni, power; aflifnan, to remain, be left; cp. laiba, remnant.

2. Gutturals

k

§ 57. Goth. k corresponds to Greek κ, Lt. c; e. g., Kêfas, Κηφᾶς; aíkklêsjô, ἐκκλησία; laíktjô, lectio. Goth. k in Greek words represents also χ; as, kaúrazein, Χοραζίν; ark-aggilus, ἀρχάγγελος. The Gr. sign χ is but rarely retaind, always in χristus (s. § 2). Cp. Wrede, 'Ostg.', 54.

Note. The labialized k (kw) has a special sign (q § 59) in Gothic.

§ 58. Exampls of k: (a) initially: kniu, knee; kaúrn, corn; kuni, kin; kalds, cold; kiusan, to choose; kalbô, f., calf; —sk: skeinan, to shine; skaidan, to separate. (b) medially: brikan, to break; aukan, to increase; akrs, field; reiks, mighty; mikils, great; waúrkjan, to work; laikan, to leap; rakjan, to strech; finally: ik, I; mik, me; juk, yoke.

Note 1. kk occurs in smakka, fig; sakkus, sack.

Note 2. In derivativ words h takes the place of k before t (§ 81); as, saúhts, sickness (cp. siuks); wahtwô, wach (cp. wakan); brûhta (prt. of brûkjan); þâhta (prt. of þagkjan). – Sinse there occur no exampls of the 2nd pers. prt. of verbs in k (as, wakan, aukan, têkan), it is uncertain whether the k before t remaind k or was changed into h (wôkt or wôht?).

q

§ 59. The Gothic sign q does not occur in the Greek alfabet, the corresponding sign being borrowd from the Latin (Q). In Lt. words it corresponds to Lt. qu (qartus; Rom. XVI, 23) to which it most likely corresponds also fonetically. The Lt. qu denoted a labialized k-sound which was a simpl consonant not forming position. Cp. Zs. fdph., 12, 481 et seq.

Note. The dubl sign kw (kv) which is uzed beside q for the Gothic character is due to the perception that in the cognate languages Gothic q is represented by a combination of consonants which appears as k with a w-sound closely attacht to it, and is therefore exprest by two signs: in OE. by cw, in ON. by kv, in OHG. MHG. NHG. by qu. Hense Goth. qiþan, to say, = OE. cweþan, ON. kveþa, OHG. quedan. But from this nothing certain can be inferd about the fonetic value of Goth. q, altho it is possibl that its pronunciation was precisely the same as that of NHG. NE. qu. – Cp. also § 41, n. 1.

§ 60. Exampls of q: qinô, woman; *qius, pl. qiwai, alive; qaírnus, mil; qiman, to cum; qrammiþa, moisture; naqaþs, naked; aqizi, ax; riqis, darkness; sigqan, to sink, prt. sagq.

h

§ 61. Gothic h in Greek words stands for the ruf breathing (as, Haíbraius, Ἑβραῖος; Hêrôdês, Ἡρώδης), but the ruf breathing is often disregarded (as, ôsanna, ὡσαννά). Accordingly, Goth. initial h had the value of a mere breathing. Medially and finally it may stil hav had the value of a fricativ sound (HG. ch). Cp. the assimilations (§ 62, n. 3) and breaking (§ 62, n. 1). Also initially before consonants, (hl, hn, hr (ƕ)), the h had probably retaind a stronger sound.

Note 1. Latin writers render Gothic h by their h (as, Hildibald, Hildericus); but they also omit it; as, Ariamirus, eils = hails in the epigram (s. § 21, n. 1), Zs. fda. 1, 379; cp. Dietrich, p. 77.

Note 2. Labialized h (hw) has a special sign in Gothic: ƕ (§§ 63. 64).

Note 3. In foren names h is sumtimes interposed medially between vowels; as, Iôhannês, Ιωάννης; Abraham, Ἀβραάμ. Cp. Es. Tegnér, Tidskr. for filol. N. R. 7, 304 et seq.

§ 62. Exampls for h: (a) initially: haúrn, horn; hana, cock; haírtô, hart; hails, hole, sound; hund, hundred; hafjan, to heav; – initial combinations: hlaifs, bred; hliuma, m., hearing; hlifan, to steal; hlûtrs, pure; hlahjan, to laf; hnaiws, low; hrains, clean; hrôpjan, to call; hrôt, n., roof. – (b) medially: faíhu, muney; taíhun, ten; teihan, to show; tiuhan, to pul; saíhs, six; nahts, night; liuhtjan, to light; filhan, to conceal; swaíhra, 'socer'. – (c) finally: jah, and; -uh, and (cp. § 24, n. 2); falh (prt. of filhan); taúh (prt. of tiuhan), etc.

Note 1. Before h (as before r) i is broken to aí, u to aú; cp. §§ 20. 24.

Note 2. Dropping of n before h, which made the preceding vowel long: fâhan (< fanhan), þûhta (< þunhta), etc.; cp. § 50, n. 1; § 5, b; § 15, b.

Note 3. Final h in -uh (or -h; § 24, n. 2), jah, nih, may be assimilated to the initial sound of a following word. But rarely in the gospels (cod. argent.) and in codex B, and only before particls or prns. beginning with þ; frequently, however, also before other consonants, in codex A and Skeir; as, wasuþþan (= wasuh-þan, but it was); Mk. I, 6; sumaiþþan (= sumaih-þan, but sum); Mt. XXVI, 67; sijaiþþan (= sijaih-þan, but it shall be); Mt. V, 37; jaþþê (= jah-þê, and if); niþþan (= nih-þan, and not); – before other consonants in A: jalliban (= jah liban, and liv); II. Cor. I, 8; jaggatraua (= jah gatraua, and I trust); Rom. XIV, 14; jaddu (= jah du, and to); II. Cor. II, 16; jabbrusts (= jah brusts); II. Cor. VII, 15; nukkant (= nuh kant, knowest thou now?); I. Cor. VII, 16; exceptionally also in the codex argent., but only in Lu.: janni (= jah ni); Lu. VII, 32; nissijai (= nih sijai); Lu. XX, 16.

Note 4. Final h is sumtimes dropt (in consequence of having lost its sharp sound? But cp. Beitr., XV, 277): ƕarjô (for ƕarjôh); Mk. XV, 6; ƕammê (for ƕammêh); Gal. V, 3; ƕarjanô (for ƕarjanôh); Skeir. 43; oftener inu (in A) for inuh, without; the h of consonant-combinations is dropt in hiuma; Lu. VI, 17. VIII, 4 (elsewhere hiuhma, multitude); drausnôs; Skeir. 50 (beside drauhsna, crum); als (for alhs); Mk. XV, 38, etc. All these cases ar probably due to the copyists, and most of them hav therefore been amended by the editors. Cp. Bernhardt, Vulfila, LIII et seq. – Also superfluous h occurs: snauh (for snau); I. Thess. II, 16; here, however, it is perhaps the enclitic -h (= -uh, § 24, n. 2).

Note 5. In derivativ words h occurs in certain cases beside k (s. § 58, n. 2) and g (§ 66, n. 1).

ƕ

§ 63. The sound of ƕ is peculiar to the Gothic, and has no equivalent in Gr. The Gothic sign (whose alfabetic position is that of the Greek ψ) is uzually exprest by hv (hw), because all the corresponding words of the remaining Germanic languages (at least initially) hav hw (hu, hv); as, Goth. ƕeits = OHG. hwîz, OS. OE. hwît, ON. hvîtr, white. But there ar reasons which justify the assumption that the Goth. ƕ was a simpl consonant. Fonetically, it may be regarded as a labialized h (or a voiceless w = NE. wh? Grundr., I, 411). It is therefore recommendabl to represent the simpl Gothic sign by the unitary ligature ƕ. Cp. Zs. fdph., 12, 481 et seq.; Beitr., 12, 218 et seq.

Note. ƕ and hw ar not identical in Gothic. This is proved by the fact that in composition the final h and the following initial w ar not exprest by ƕ, but by hw: þaírhwakandans, keeping wach (thruout); Lu. II, 8; ubuhwôpida (= uf-uh-wôpida; ufwôpida < uf-wôpjan), and he cried out; Lu. XVIII, 38. – The simpl sound of ƕ is also evident from the fact that the verb saíƕan is inflected like the verbal stems ending in a singl consonant (§ 34, n. 1), and that in reduplication ƕ is treated like a singl consonant (ƕaíƕôp, § 178). Cp. Holtzmann, altd. gr. I, 25, together with § 41, n. 1, abuv.

§ 64. Exampls of ƕ: initially: ƕas, who; ƕaírnei, f., skul; ƕaírban, to walk about; ƕeila, time; ƕôpan, to boast; ƕeits, white; ƕaiteis, wheat; – medially: aƕa, water; saíƕan, to see; leiƕan, to lend; þeiƕô, thunder; nêƕa, near; aíƕa-tundi, f., brambl-bush; – also finally: saƕ, saƕt (prt. of saíƕan), nêƕ, near.

Note. i and u ar broken before ƕ as wel as before h; cp. § 62, n. 1.

§ 65. g corresponds to Greek γ, also as a guttural nasal; as, synagôgê, συναγωγή; aggilus, ἄγγελος. – The pronunciation of the Gothic initial g was quite certainly that of a soft (voiced) stop; final and medial g was possibly a spirant.

Note 1. Latin authors render g in Gothic names by g, but also by c; as, Caina beside Gaina (Jornandes), Commundus (= Gummundus); medially, especially before i, it is often dropt; as, Eila beside Agila, Egila, Aiulf (= Aigulf), Athanaildus (= Athanagildus); cp. Dietrich, p. 73 et seq.

Note 2. For the pronunciation of medial g as a spirant the Latin representations may be adduced (cp. especially Wrede, 'Ostg.', 173 et seq.); but this is contradicted by the fact that final g does not becum h (cp. b-f, d-þ). Jellinek (Beitr., 15, 276 et seq.; Zs. fda., 36, 85) infers a 'media affricata' for the pronunciation of medial and final g; then the value of a stop seems more probabl (cp. Wilmanns, D. Gramm., I, 16).

§ 66. g occurs frequently in Goth. words, both initially and medially. E. g. (a) gasts, guest; guma, man; gulþ, gold; gôþs, good; giutan, to pour; greipan, to gripe, seiz; graban, to dig. (b) agis, aw; wigs, way; gawigan, to move; steigan, to mount; ligan, to lie; þragjan, to run; —augô, ey; tagr, tear; tigus, ten; aigan, to hav; suffixal g: mahteigs, mighty; môdags, angry.

Also final g remains unchanged: ôg, I fear; mag, I can; wig (acc. of wigs, way), etc.

Note. g becums h before a suffixal t attacht to it (§ 81); e. g., mahts, mahta (prs. mag), ôhta (prs. ôg), baúhta (inf. bugjan), brâhta (inf. briggan). But there seems to be no change of consonants before the t of the 2nd pers. prt. Only magt (1st mag) is found (201). – Also elsewhere in word-formation an interchange between h and g takes place in words belonging to the same root: taíhun, 10; and tigus, decad; filhan, to conceal, and fulgins, adj., hidn; faginôn, to rejoice, and fahêþs f., joy; huggrjan, to hunger, and hûhrus, hunger; juggs, yung; compar. jûhiza; concerning the interchange between áig and áih, s. § 203, n. 1. Cp. § 79, n. 2.

§ 67. g denotes also a guttural nasal (s. § 50); e. g., (n + g): laggs, long; briggan, to bring; tuggô, tung; figgrs, finger; gaggan, to go; – (n + k, q): drigkan, to drink; þagkjan, to think; þugkjan, to seem; igqis, (to) yu both; sigqan, to sink; stigqan, to thrust.

Note 1. Beside the singl letter g uzed to express the guttural nasal, gg is sumtimes found (so regularly in codex B): siggqan, driggkan, iggqis; g is not dubld before g; the only case, atgagggand (Mt. IX, 15) is corrected by the editors. The reverse error occurs three times: faúragagja (for faúragaggja, steward); Lu. VIII, 3. XVI, 1; hugridai (for huggridai); I. Cor. IV, 11. Cp. Vulfila by Bernhardt, p. LI.

Note 2. The Latin sign (n) for the guttural nasal occurs but a few times in Lu.; as, þank; XVII, 9; bringiþ; XV, 22.

§ 68. The combination ggw deservs special notice. (1) It is a guttural nasal + gw, as is proved by the ng of the remaining Germanic languages (also of the ON.): aggwus, narrow (OHG. engi, ON. ǫngr); siggwan, to sing (OHG. singan, ON. syngva); saggws, song. Here perhaps belongs also unmanariggws, unrestraind, wild (cognate with OHG. ringi? Dtsch. Litteraturzeitg. 1888, p. 770).

(2) Another ggw corresponds to West-Germanic uw (OHG. uu or uuu; cp. ahd. gr., §§ 112. 113), to ON. gg(v); this gg certainly denotes a stop: triggws, faithful (OHG. triuwi, ON. tryggr); bliggwan, to beat (OHG. bliuwan); *glaggwus, exact (OHG. glauwêr, ON. glǫggr); skuggwa, mirror (ON. skyggja; cp. Goth. skawjan).

Note. Concerning the ggw of the words givn under (2) and the analogous ddj (§ 73, n. 1), cp. Beitr., IX, 545; Göttinger Nachrichten, 1885, No. 6; Brgm., I, 157; Scherer, 'Kleinere Schriften', I, p. XII et seq. – Concerning the East-Gothic names Triggua, Trigguilla, s. Wrede, 'Ostg.', 78 et seq.

3. Dentals

t

§ 69. Gothic t corresponds to Greek τ, and stands frequently both initially and medially. E. g. (a) initially: tunþus, tooth; triu, tree; tuggô, tung; tagr, tear; taíhun, ten; twai, two; tamjan, to tame; trauan, to trust. st: steigan, to mount. (b) medially: watô, water; haírtô, hart; baitrs, bitter; itan, to eat; giutan, to pour; sitan, to sit; witan, to know.

Final t remains unchanged; as, wait, I know; at, at; wit, we two.

Note 1. t is dubld in atta, father; skatts, muney.

Note 2. t before t in derivativ and inflected words becums s (§ 81); as, ushaista, very poor (cp. haitan); blôstreis, wurshipper (cp. blôtan, to wurship); 2nd pers. sg. prt. waist (1st wait), haíhaist (inf. haitan, to be calld); weak prt. gamôsta (1st pers. gamôt); kaupasta (inf. kaupatjan, to cuf); wissa (< wista, 1st wait).

§ 70. Gothic þ corresponds to Gr. θ (as, Þômas, Θωμᾶς; Naþan, Ναθάν); its sound-value was that of a voiceless dental spirant = the NE. surd th in thin. Also the Greek θ denoted at that time, as it stil does in New Greek, a similar sound.

Note 1. Greek authors represent the Goth. þ by θ; as, Θευδέριχος. Latin writers express Goth. þ mostly by th; as, Theodoricus, Theodomirus, but also often by t. Cp. Wrede, 'Wand.', 104; 'Ostg.', 170 et seq. – In like manner sum later prints hav th for þ (s. § 1, n. 3).

Note 2. Latin authors often uze d beside th for medial þ in proper nouns, from which a later softening may be inferd. Cp. Wrede, 'Ostg.', 171.

Note 3. Concerning the sound-value of Germanic-Goth. þ, cp. IF. 4, 341 et seq.; for the relation between Goth. þ and Gr. θ, s. Wimmer, 'Die Runenschrift', 268.

§ 71. þ in Gothic words is very frequent. E. g. (a) initially: þulan, to suffer; þanjan, to strech; ga-þaírsan, to wither; þaúrsus, witherd; þaúrstei, thirst; þata (prn.), that; þu, thou; þreis, three; þliuhan, flee; ga-þláihan, to cumfort, console; þwahan, to wash. (b) medially: brôþar, brother; tunþus, tooth; wiþrus, lam; fraþi, n., understanding; fraþjan, to understand; anþar, other; ƕaþar, 'uter'; waírþan, to becum; qiþan, to say. (c) Also final þ remains unchanged; as, þiuþ, n., good (gen. þiuþis); qaþ, prt. of qiþan; aiþs, acc. aiþ, oath.

Note 1. þþ occurs in aiþþau, or (§ 20), and, by assimilation, for h-þ: niþþan, etc.; s. § 62, n. 3.

Note 2. þ finally and before the s of the nom. very often stands for d, and must be kept apart from the þ mentiond under (c) which remain þ medially also; s. § 74.

Note 3. þ becums s before t (§ 81); e. g., 2nd pers. sg. prt. qast (inf. qiþan), warst (inf. waírþan), snaist (inf. sneiþan, to cut).

Note 4. d stands for medial þ in weitwôdida, testimony; Jo. III, 32.

d

§ 72. Goth. d corresponds to Greek δ. The New Greek pronunciation of δ is that of a soft (voiced) dental spirant (ð = NE. th in thou). Gothic d, at least medially after a vowel, likewise had the sound-value of this spirant. But d initially and medially after n, r, l, z, has the value of a soft (voiced) stop.

§ 73. Examples of d: (a) initially: daúr, n., door, gate; daúhtar, daughter; dal, dale, valley; dauns, odor; daddjan, to suckl; ga-daúrsan, to dare; driusan, to fall; dwals, foolish. (b) medially: sidus, custom; wadi, n., wager; midjis, 'medius'; widuwô, widow; biudan, to offer; bindan, to bind; haírda, herd; waldan, to rule; mizdô, reward; fadar, father; frôdei, understanding (cp. frôþs, frôdis, intelligent); fidwôr, four; þridja, 'tertius'; þiuda, peple; -ida, as in auþida, desert; gahugds, mind; gards, house (yard); hardus, hard; hund, hundred; and, on, in; alds, age (cp. alþeis, old), kalds, cold; gazds, sting.

Note. In Gothic words dd is found only in waddjus, wall (ON. veggr); daddjan, to suckl; twaddjê (gen. of twai, 2; ON. tweggja); iddja, I went; hense always in the combination ddj. – Cp. § 68, n. 1; and Brgm., I, 127.

§ 74. Finally and before the s of the nominativ d remains only after a consonant; e. g., hund, nimand (3d pers. pl. prs.), gards, alds, gazds, gahugds. But postvocalic d becuming final (and before the s of the nominativ) is changed into þ, because þ denotes the hard sound corresponding to d. Such eufonic þs from medial ds constitute the greater number of the Gothic final þs, the smaller number ar original (also medial) þs. (§ 71, n. 2). E. g.

staþs, stadis, place (but *staþs, staþis, shore); haubiþ, haubidis, hed; liuhaþ, liuhadis, light; frôþs, frôdis, wise; gôþs, gôdis, good; báuþ, prt. of biudan; bidjan, to pray, prt. baþ; – all pps. of wvs.; as, nasiþs, nasidis; salbôþs, salbôdis; furthermore all final þs in verbal inflection (3d pers. sg., 2nd pl.); as, nimiþ, nêmuþ, nêmeiþ, – but with enclitic -uh: nimiduh, nêmuduh, nêmeiduh; – advs. like ƕaþ, whither (cp. § 213); prep. miþ, with.

Note 1. The change of final d into þ does not occur in all cases in our manuscripts. This exception does not concern the original text of Wulfila, but is only a deviation from the normal state of orthografy, which is proved by the fact that final d occurs exceedingly often only in Lu., especially in the first ten chapters, not quite rarely also in Jo., more rarely in the other books. Exampls from the sixth chapter of Lu. ar: samalaud (34), gôds (35. 43), gôd (43), mitads (38), ptc. gamanwids (40), gasulid, and especially frequently verbal forms: taujid (2), ussuggwud (3), faginôd, laikid (23), habaid (24), usbaírid (45), etc. – Sinse yunger forms of speech ar a characteristic feature of the gospel of Lu. (§ 221, 1), they might be regarded as representativs of a later development of the Goth. language, introduced into our text by sum writers (for similar cases in East-Gothic names, s. Wrede, 'Ostg.', 171). Others explain the forms with final d as being due to their original position before words beginning with a vowel according to which the forms nimiþ and nimid would be 'dublets' ('satzdubletten'). – Cp. also Kock, Zs. fda., 26, 226 et seq., who shows that these ds for þs ar most frequent after unaccented vowels (as in mitads), but after an accented vowel only when the latter is long or a difthong, rarely after a short accented vowel (as in mid; Lu. VII, 11.)

Note 2. Sinse the final þ has by all means to be regarded as the regular one, it must also be employd in words of which only forms with medial d occur: biuþs, biudis, table; rauþs, red; usdauþs, zelous; gamaiþs, maimd; môþs, anger; knôþs, stock, race. Hense also garaiþs, redy; unlêds, poor, which, beside the forms with medial b, hav onse each the final forms garaid and unlêds, respectivly. But both forms occur in Lu.

With final d only ar repeatedly found: weitwôds, witness, acc. weitwôd; twice gariuds (gariud), honorabl; only one final form with d (but none with þ) occurs in braids, broad; dêds, deed; wôds, mad, possest; grids, step, grade; skaískaid (prt. of skaidan). The normal forms would be dêþs, wôþs, etc., for the forms with d insted of þ ar hardly due to anything else but unfavorabl transmission.

Note 3. The occurrence of this final þ for thematic d must not be confounded with that of þ in words that hav also medial þ beside d in other words from the same root; as, frôd- (nom. frôþs), prudent; frôdei, prudence; but fraþi, understanding, fraþjan, to understand; sad- (nom. saþs), satisfied, but ga-sôþjan, to satisfy; sinþs, a going, way, but sandjan, to send; alds, age, but alþeis, old. Cp. § 79, n. 2.

Note 4. þ is seldom found where medial d is expected; as, guþa (for guda); Gal. IV, 8; unfrôþans; Gal. III, 3.

§ 75. The d of the weak preterit, which stands mostly after vowels (nasida, habaida), remains intact after l and n (skulda, munda), while after s, h, f it becums t: kaupasta, môsta, daúrsta, þâhta, brâhta, þûhta, brûhta, waúrhta, baúhta, ôhta, mahta, áihta, þaúrfta; it is changed into þ in kunþa; ss is assimilated from st in wissa.

Conform to this rule ar the respectiv ptcs. nasiþs, habaiþs, skulds, munds, but waúrhts, baúhts, mahts, binaúhts, þaúrfts, kunþs. Cp. § 187, n. 1; § 197 et seq.; §§ 208. 209.

Note. d becums s before the t of the 2nd pers. prt. (§ 81): baust (1st bauþ, inf. biudan); so, also, before consonants in derivativ words; as, gilstr, tax, tribute (< gildan); usbeisns, expectation (< usbeidan, to abide, expect).

s

§ 76. s is a hard (voiceless) dental spirant and corresponds to Gr. σ. s occurs very often in Gothic words, especially initially. E. g.

(a) initially: sunus, sun; sitan, to sit; skadus, shade; speiwan, to spit; standan, to stand; straujan, to strew; slêpan, to sleep; smals, small; snutrs, wise; swaíhra, father-in-law.

(b) medially: kiusan, to choose; wisan, to be; wasjan, to clothe; þûsundi, thousand; gasts, guest; fisks, fish; asneis, hired man; hansa, host; aúhsa, ox; þaúrsus, witherd.

(c) Also final s remains unchanged; as, gras, grass; mês, table; was (prt. of wisan), was; hals, neck.

Note 1. ss occurs frequently; e. g., ƕassei, sharpness; qiss, speech; wissa (prt. of witan); suff. -assus (þiudinassus, kingdom, etc.).

Note 2. Final s stands in most cases for medial z, especially the final inflectional s. Cp. § 78; dropping of the s of the nominativ in § 78, n. 2.

Note 3. For s from t, þ, d, before consonants (t), s. § 69, n. 2; § 71, n. 3; § 75, n. 1.

Note 4. Concerning the fonetic distinction between the spirants s and þ, cp. IF., 342.

§ 77. The sign z corresponds in Greek words to ζ; as, Zaíbaídaius, Ζεβεδαῖος; azymus, ἄζυμος. Its sound, like that of the Gr. ζ both at Wulfila's time and in New Greek, was the corresponding soft sound of s, hense a voiced dental spirant (E. z).

§ 78. (a) In Goth. words z occurs never initially.

(b) Medial z is frequent. But final z becums s, the corresponding hard sound (cp. § 79). E. g.

azêts, easy; hazjan, to praise; hazeins, praise; dius, gen. diuzis, animal; hatis, gen. hatizis, hatred; hatizôn, to be angry; huzd, trezure; gazds, sting; mizdô, reward; azgô, ashes; marzjan, to offend; talzjan, to teach; – comparativs: maiza, 'major'; frôdôza, alþiza, etc.; – pronominal forms; as, izwara, þizôs, þizê, blindaizôs; 2nd pers. sing. midl: haitaza.

(c) Most of the Gothic final ss represent z, especially the inflectional s; this reappears as z when it becums medial by an enclitic addition, for exampl, the s of the nom. ƕas, who?, but ƕazuh; is, he, but izei, who; us, out, but uzuh, uzu; dis- (as in dizuhþansat; Mk. XVI, 8); þôs, nom. pl. f., but þôzuh; weis, we; weizuh; wileis, 2nd pers. sg., but wileizu; advs.: mais (compar. maiza), more; áiris, erlier (compar. áiriza), etc.

Note 1. z is but rarely employd for final s: minz, less; II. Cor. XII, 15 (Codex B), for mins elsewhere; riqiz (4 times), darkness, beside riqis, gen. riqizis; aiz, brass, muney (only Mk. VI, 8); mimz, flesh; I. Cor. VIII, 13. – For a different view of final s for z, s. Wilmanns, Dtsch. Gramm., I, p. 86.

Note 2. The s (z) of the nom. sg. is dropt (1) after s (ss, z): drus, m., gen. drusis, fall; swês, gen. swêsis, adj., one's own; laus, lausis, loose; us-stass, f., gen. usstassais, resurrection; (2) after r immediately preceded by a short vowel: waír, waíris, man; baúr, sun; kaisar, Cæsar; anþar, other; unsar, our; but s remains unchanged after a long syllabl: akrs, field; hôrs, whoremonger; skeirs, clear; swêrs, honord; gáurs, sorrowful. An exception is the onse occurring nom. stiur, steer, calf. Cp. Brgm., I, 516; II, 531; Wrede, 'Ostg.', 177 et seq. – At a later stage of development, especially in East-Gothic, the loss of the nominativ-s occurs more extensivly. So alredy in the Documents (Neap. Doc.: Gudilub, Ufitahari); cp. Wrede, loc. cit.

Note 3. z and s interchange in the prt. of slêpan; saíslêp; Mt. VIII, 24. Lu. VIII, 23. I. Thess. IV, 14; saízlêp; Jo. XI, 11. I. Cor. XV, 6; – in the neuters in -is (gen. agisis and gen. hatizis); s. 94, n. 5.

Note 4. The z (s. c, abuv) of the prep. us is in compounds assimilated to a following r (cp. § 24, n. 2); e. g., urruns, a running out; urreisan, to (a)rise; urrûmnan (beside usrûmnan, in Codex B, II. Cor. VI, 11), to expand; onse ur for the prep. us: ur riqiza; II. Cor. IV, 6. —us remains unchanged before other sounds in cpds.; as, usagjan, to frighten; usbeidan, to abide, expect (cp. § 56, n. 2). z for s before a vowel appears only in uzôn (prt. of *usanan, to expire); Mk. XV, 37. 39; and in uzêtin (dat. of *usêta, manger); Lu. II, 7. 12. 16.

Note 5. When us is affixt to a word beginning with st, only one s is sumtimes writn: ustaig (prt. of us-steigan); Mk. III, 13; ustôþ; Lu. VIII, 55. X, 25; ustandiþ (prt. and prs. of us-standan); Mk. X, 34; ustassai (nom. usstass); Lu. XIV, 14. – Cp. twistandans (in B = twis-standans in A); II. Cor. II, 13; diskritnan (for dis-skritnan); Mt. XXVII, 51; there is no analogon for sp.

APPENDIX
GENERAL REMARKS ON THE CONSONANTS

§ 79. The Gothic soft spirants, b, d, z, finally and before the s of the nom. (cp. §§ 56. 74. 78) ar changed into the corresponding hard sounds, f, þ, s, while the fourth soft spirant, medial g, remains unchanged when final (§ 66; § 65, n. 2).

Note 1. Also the final b, d, z hav sumtimes remaind unchanged, i. e. z rarely (§ 78, n. 1), but b and d especially often in certain parts where also other forms show a later stage of development. Cp. § 56, n. 1; § 74, n. 1, and Zs. fda., 25, 226 et seq.

Note 2. Interchange between f and b, þ and d, h and g, s and z, which had taken place in proethnic Germanic according to definit laws and is better preservd in other Germanic languages ('Grammatical Change'; s. ahd. gr., § 100 et seq.), occurs in Gothic only in derivativ words; cp. g-h, § 66, n. 1; d-þ, § 74, n. 3; (z – s, § 78, n. 3); and traces of it ar seen in the inflection of the verbs þarf (§ 56, n. 3), áih (§ 203, n. 1).

§ 80. Gemination of the Gothic liquids and nasals, l, m, n, r, is frequent; also ss and a few instances of kk (§ 58, n. 1), tt (§ 69, n. 1), þþ (§ 71, n. 1), dd (§ 73, n. 1); – the more frequent exampls of gg (§§ 67. 68) ar in part of another kind.

The geminated consonants remain unchanged when final and before the s of the nominativ: skatts, full, kann, rann, wamm, gawiss; likewise before j (as in fulljan, skattja, kannjan, etc.), but ar as a rule simplified before other consonants: kant, kunþa (cp. kann); rant, 2nd pers. sg. prt., ur-runs, m., a running out (cp. rinnan); swumfsl, pond (cp. *swimman); – but uzually fullnan, only a few times fulnan.

Note. Sum instances of gemination as wel as of simplified gemination in the MSS. ar merely orthografic errors; as, allh for alh; Lu. II, 46; wisêdun (s for ss); inbranjada (nj for nnj); Jo. XV, 6; swam for swamm; Mk. XV, 36. – Such errors ar mostly corrected by the editors. Cp. Bernhardt, 'Vulfila', p. LVII.

§ 81. The changes of consonants before dentals may, as far as the Gothic is concernd, be embraced in the following rule:

Before the dentals, d, þ, t, all labial stops and spirants ar changed into f, all gutturals into h, all dentals into s, the second dental appearing always as t. E. g.

skapjan, gaskafts (§ 51, n. 2); þaúrban (*þaúrbda), þaúrfta; giban, gifts (§ 56, n. 4); —siuks, saúhts; þagkjan, þâhta (§ 58, n. 2); magan, mahta (§ 66, n. 1); —wait, waist (§ 69, n. 2); waírþan, warst (§ 71, n. 3); biudan, baust (§ 75, n. 1).

Note 1. Exceptions ar magt (2nd pers. sg.; 1st mag, § 201) and gahugds, mind.

Note 2. st often becums ss by assimilation; as, wissa, prt. of witan (§ 76, n. 1). Cp. Beitr., 7, 171 et seq.; 9, 150 et seq.; IF., 4, 341 et seq.

Note 3. The rule givn abuv from a practical standpoint of the Gothic grammar must be formulated differently from a comparativ-historical standpoint, because the discust sound-shiftings hav not originated in the Gothic language, but ar reflections of proethnic Germanic and Indo-Germanic relations of sounds. S. Brgm., I, 381 et seq.; 403 et seq.

§ 82. Assimilations occur only in combination with h (s. § 62, n. 3) and us (§ 78, n. 4).

INFLECTION

CHAP. I. DECLENSION OF SUBSTANTIVS

GENERAL PRELIMINARY REMARKS

(a) On declension in general

§ 83. The Gothic declension, like that of the remaining Old-Germanic dialects, comprises three genders: the masculin, neuter and feminin.

Note 1. The neuter of all declensions resembls in form very closely the masculin; a distinction occurs in the nom. and acc. sg. and pl. only.

Note 2. A distinction of gender is wanting only with the personal prn. of the 1st and 2nd persons, with the reflexiv prn. (§ 150), and with the numeral adjectivs 4-19 (§ 141).

§ 84. The Goth. declension has two numbers: singular and plural.

Note. The dual which originally existed in all Indg. languages, is preservd in the Goth. decl. in the 1st and 2nd pers. of the personal prn. only (§ 150).

§ 85. The Goth. declension has four complete cases: nominativ, genitiv, dativ, accusativ. The vocativ is mostly identical with the nominativ, only in the singular of sum classes of declension the vocativ is different from the nominativ, but then it is always identical with the accusativ.

Note. The Goth. dativ represents several Indg. cases (dativ, locativ, ablativ, instrumental). Relics of the neuter instrumental ar stil present in the pronominal declension: þê (§ 153), ƕê (§ 159).

(b) On the declension of substantivs

§ 86. The declension of substantivs in Gothic is divided into a vocalic and a consonantal declension, according as the stems of the substantivs end in a vowel or a consonant.

Note. The original form of the stem is in part unrecognizabl in the Gothic language, because the stem has blended with the endings, final vowels hav been lost, and the like, so that the division into a vocalic and a consonantal declension appears correct only in the light of the Comparativ Indo-Germanic Grammar, and but with reference to this it must be retaind. Such a division would never hav been made from an especially Gothic-Germanic standpoint.

§ 87. Of the consonantal stems in Gothic the n-stems (i. e. the stems in -an, -ôn, -ein), ar very numerous, while of other consonantal declensions but a few remains ar preservd (§ 114 et seq.). Sinse the time of Jac. Grimm the n-declension has also been calld Weak Declension.

§ 88. There ar four classes of the vocalic declension: stems in a, ô, i, u. Accordingly, we distinguish them as a-, ô-, i-, and u-declensions. The stem-characteristics ar stil clearly seen in all classes in the dat. and acc. pl.; e. g., dagam, dagans; – gibôm, gibôs; – gastim, gastins; – sunum, sununs. Sinse the time of Jacob Grimm the vocalic declension has also been calld Strong Declension.

Note 1. Of the four vocalic declensions the a- and ô-declensions ar closely connected, the a-declension containing only masculins and neuters (dags, waúrd), the ô-declension the corresponding feminins. Both classes ar therefore uzually givn as one, the a-declension.

Note 2. The Gothic a-declension corresponds to the second or o-declension in Greek and Latin (Gr. m. – ος, n. – ον; Lt. – us, – um), the Goth. ô-declension corresponds to the first or ā-declension in Gr. and Lt. Now sinse Comparativ Grammar teaches us that the Græco-Lt. vowels ar the more original ones, and that onse also the Germanic stems of the corresponding masculine and neuters must hav ended in o and those of the feminins in â, we often meet in Germanic Grammar with the term o-declension for the masculins and neuters, and with the term â-declension for the feminins.

(c) On the nominal composition

§ 88a. Substantivs (and adjectivs) as the first parts of compounds end as a rule in a vowel, the connecting vowel of the components (or composition-vowel), which in the case of the vocalic stems is oftenest identical with the stem-vowel. Exampls: a-decl.: figgra-gulþ, hunsla-staþs, himina-kunds, fulla-tôjis; —i-decl.: gasti-gôþs, naudi-bandi; —u-decl.: fôtu-baúrd, hardu-haírtei, filu-waúrdei.

But the connecting vowel of the o-stems is always -a; as, aírþa-kunds, hleiþra-stakeins; the -ja of ja-stems persists when the stem is a short syllabl, but it becums i when the stem is long (cp. § 44); as, wadja-bôkôs, alja-kuns; arbi-numja, aglaiti-waúrdei; in like manner þûsundi-faþs, < stem in -jô-, nom. þûsundi (§ 145).

The n-stems hav simpl a insted of the thematic ending -an, -ôn; as, guma-kunds, fruma-baúr, wilja-halþei, qina-kunds, auga-daúrô; but mari-saiws (cp. Beitr., 8, 410).

Note 1. The composition-vowel was often dropt in Gothic, especially that of the a-stems; e. g., of a-stems: wein-drugkja (but weina-triu, weina-basi, etc.), gud-hûs, guþ-blôstreis (but guda-faúrhts, guda-laus, guþa-skaunei), laus-qiþrs, laus-handus (but lausa-waúrds), þiudan-gardi, háuh-þûhts, ain-falþs, þiu-magus (for þiwa-, § 91, n. 3); – of ja-stems: niuklahs (but niuja-satiþs), frei-hals, aglait-gastalds (but aglaiti-waúrdei); – of i-stems: brûþ-faþs, þut-haúrn (Beitr., 8, 411), twalib-wintrus (§ 141).

Note 2. Sum words show evasions of the composition-vowel: þiuþi-qiss (for þiuþa-); I. Cor. X, 16 (in Cod. A); anda-laus (for andja-); I. Tim. I, 4 (in A, but andi-laus in B); hrainja-haírts (for hraini-); Mt. V, 8; garda- in cpds. seems to be the normal form beside the stem gardi- (s. § 101): garda-waldands; Mt. X, 25. Lu. XIV, 21; miþgarda-waddjus; Eph. II, 14 (in B, but midgardi-w. in A); Beitr., 8, 432. Cp. also brôþra-lubô; Rom. XII, 10 (in A, but brôþru-lubô; I. Thess. IV, 9, in B). – The evasions occur mostly in Codex A and seem to be yunger East-Gothic forms; cp. the names in the Documents (e. g., Gudi-lub, in Ar. Doc.; Sunjai-friþas, in Neap. Doc.), and Wrede, 'Ostg.', 184.

Note 3. Beside the other consonantal stems there occur: brôþru-lubô (§ 114); cp. the preceding note; baúrgs-waddjus, a genitiv-composition (§ 116); nahta-mats (§ 116); beside mann- (§ 117) the stem mana- is found: mana-sêþs, mana-maúrþrja, unmana-riggws; and (probably according to note 1) man-leika. —sigis-laun and þruts-fill, which belong to old s-stems (s. § 94, n. 5. – Leo Meyer, Got. Spr., p. 174), may (by loss of a, according to note 1) also refer to a-stems.

Note 4. For more about the cpds. in Gothic, s. Beitr., 8, 371-460; Brgm., II, 73 et seq.; Wrede, 'Ostg.', 183 et seq.

A. VOCALIC (STRONG) DECLENSION

1. (a) A-Declension

§ 89. The Gothic a-declension contains only masculins and neuters. We distinguish between pure a-stems and ja-stems.

Note. The wa-stems in Gothic differ but very litl from the pure a-stems. Their number is very small (§ 91, n. 3; § 93; § 94, n. 1).

Masculins

§ 90. Paradims of the masculins. (a) Pure a-stems: dags, day (< an erlier *dagaz, proethnic Germanic *dago-z, § 88, n. 2); hlaifs, (loaf of) bred (proethnic Germanic *hlaibo-z). (b) ja-stems: haírdeis, herdsman (proethnic Germanic *herdio-z); harjis, army (proethnic Germanic *hario-z).

§ 91. Like dags decline many masculins; as, stains, stone; skalks, servant; tains, twig; himins, heven; fisks, fish; wigs, way; wulfs, wolf; fugls, bird (fowl); aiþs (gen. aiþis), oath.

hlaifs shows the hardening of the medial soft spirant when becuming final (cp. §§ 56. 79). So does laufs (nom. pl. laubôs), leaf.

Note 1. The declension of these masculins is identical with that of the masculin i-stems (100) in the hole sg. and in the gen. pl. Only the nom., acc., and dat. pl. can show to which declension they belong. Consequently, a number of masculins which ar not found in those pl. cases cannot with certainty be classified. The testimony of the other Germanic languages, however, wil in many cases enable us to decide. Thus akrs, field; mêgs, sun-in-law; maúrgins, morning; snaiws, snow; maiþms, present, etc., belong to the a-decl.

Note 2. Words which ar not found in the nom. sg. nor in the nom. acc. pl., may be neuter. Thus the nom. to the isolated gen. akeitis (vinegar) may be both akeits and akeit, that to the dat. staþa (shore) both staþs and staþ. Sum of such words ar undoutedly m., as is evident from the adjs. which modify them, or from the cognate dialects; e. g., slêps, sleep; wôkrs, uzury; aúhns, oven; tweifls, dout; môþs, anger (gen. môdis, § 74).

Note 3. According to the rules for final w (§ 42), þius and þiu ar givn, respectivly, as the nom. and voc. sg. to the nom. pl. þiwôs (servants), gen. þiwê– the only forms found. Cp. þiu-magus, servant, § 88a, n. 1.

Note 4. According to § 78, n. 2, the s of the nom. sg. is dropt in *ans (dat. anza), beam; *hals (halsis), neck; freihals, liberty; *ams (acc. pl. amsans), shoulder: waír, man; *gabaúr (n. pl. gabaúrôs), festiv meal; kaisar, emperor, Cæsar; stiur, steer (Neh. 5, 18; cp. Zs. fda., 37, 319).

Note 5. wêgs, wave (nom. pl. wêgôs, but dat. pl. wêgim); aiws, time (dat. pl. aiwam, acc. pl. aiwins), show a tendency to merge into the i-decl.

§ 92. The ja-stems ar subject to the rules concerning the contraction of the ji into ei (s. § 44, c and n. 1), according to which there is a distinction between the words with long and those with short stem-syllabls. Further exampls: (a) long-stemd and trisyllabic (polysyllabic): asneis, hired man; andeis, end; ƕaiteis, wheat; sipôneis, disciple; the words in -areis (Kluge, Stammbildung, §§ 8. 9; ahd. gr., § 200): laisareis, teacher; bôkareis, scribe, etc. (b) short stems: niþjis, cuzin; *andastaþjis, adversary.

Note 1. andeis, end, has in Rom. X, 18 the acc. pl. according to the i-decl.: andins.

Note 2. Only in the pl. occurs: bêrusjôs, parents (§ 33).

Note 3. The acc. pl. hlijans (Mk. IX, 5) suggests the nom. sg. *hleis (like freis, § 126, n. 2), tent. Cp. Zimmer, QF., 13, 308.

Note 4. A nom. pl. silbawiljôs, adj. uzed as sb. (nom. sg. *silba-wiljis, willing of one's self; cp. gawiljis, § 126), occurs in II. Cor. VIII, 3.

Neuters

§ 93. Paradims. (a) pure a-stems: waúrd, word; haubiþ, hed. (b) wa-stems: triu, tree. (c) ja-stems: kuni, kin.

§ 94. Like waúrd ar declined a very great number of neuter nouns; e. g., blôþ, blôþis, blud; gulþ, gold; juk, yoke; jêr, year; haúrn, horn; sauil, sun; silubr, silver; agis, fear; sáir, sorrow; maúrþr, murder; gras, grasis, grass.

Exampls of words, like haubiþ, with a final hard sound for a medial soft spirant: dius, diuzis, animal; hatis, hatred; riqis, darkness (§ 78, n. 1); liuhaþ, liuhadis, light; witôþ, law.

Note 1. According to § 42, the final w of wa-stems becums u after a short vowel. There occur two words of this kind: the paradim triu (weina-triu, vine) and *kniu, kniwis, knee. No change after a long vowel; as, lêw, opportunity; fraiw, seed.

Note 2. According to § 91, n. 2, it is doutful whether sum words ar m. or n. The reasons givn there permit us to class words like þaúrp, field; maþl, market, with the neuters; doutful ar the forms dal, dale (cp. ON. dalr), lun, ransom (or lûns, cp. § 15, n. 1).

Note 3. The word guþ, which is neuter in form, is uzed as m. when denoting the Christian God. But the n. pl. guda (heathen) gods (cp. § 74, n. 4), is stil uzed. The inflection of the sg. is uncertain, because only abbreviated forms (§ 1, n. 4) occur: gþ, gþs, gþa. As ful forms ar givn: nom. acc. guþ, gen. guþs, dat. guþa, tho we should expect the gen. gudis, dat. guda. If the gen. form guþs is correct, the word guþ would belong to the consonantal stems (§ 114 et seq.). – In composition guda- and guþa-; s. § 88a, n. 1.

Note 4. fadrein, 'paternity', in the sense of 'parents', may be uzed as an indeclinabl pl. with the art.: þai fadrein, þans fadrein. But also the regular neuter pl. fadreina occurs in the sense of 'parents'. The fem. fadreins, lineage, family, is a separate word (§ 103). – Cp. J. Schmidt, 'Indog. Neutra', 14.

Note 5. The gen. of hatis, hatred, occurs onse (in cod. B) as hatis (a consonantal form); Eph. II, 3 (hatizê in A). For a different view, s. Wrede, 'Ostg.', 77. – Concerning the neuters in -is, s. v. Bahder, 'Verbalabstracta', 52 et seq.; Kluge, Stammbild., §§ 84. 145; Brgm., II, 419 et seq. Cp. also § 78, n. 3.

§ 95. Like kuni ar declined both short and long ja-stems; e. g., badi, bed; nati, net; faírguni, mountain; gawi, gaujis, province (§ 42, n. 2); taui, tôjis, deed (§ 26); reiki, reikjis, kingdom; arbi, arbjis, inheritance; galigri, consummation of marriage; gawaúrki, business; garûni, counsel; andwaírþi, presence.

Note 1. Beside -jis a contracted gen. in -eis (cp. § 44, c; § 92) is found in but a few long and short stems; as, trausteis (nom. trausti, cuvenant); Eph. II, 12; andbahti, office, has the gen. andbahtjis (3 times) beside andbahteis (onse); Lu. I, 23; gawaírþi, peace, has gawaírþjis (6 times), gawaírþeis (3 times); waldufni, power, has waldufneis (Skeir., 49) beside waldufnjis (twice).

1. (b) Ô-Declension

§ 96. The Gothic ô-declension contains only feminins which serv as a supplement to the a-decl. (§ 88, n. 1). Also here we distinguish between pure ô-stems and jô-stems.

Paradims: (a) giba, gift (stem gibô-). (b) long jô-stems: bandi, bond (stem bandjô-); mawi, girl (stem maujô-).

§ 97. Like giba ar declined a great many words; as, bida, request; þiuda, peple; hansa, multitude; saiwala, soul; stibna, voice; aírþa, erth; ƕeila, hour; wamba, belly; mildiþa, mercy; aƕa, water.

Note 1. The declension of the wô- and short jô-stems is identical with that of giba; e. g., triggwa, cuvenant; bandwa, sign; —sunja, truth; halja, hel; sibja, relationship; wrakja, persecution; plapja, street.

Note 2. The acc. sg. of ƕeila before the enclitic -hun is found as ƕeilô- in ƕeilôhun; s. § 163, n. 1 (as regards the form, cp. ainôhun, § 163, c; ƕarjôh, § 165).

§ 98. Like bandi go the long and polysyllabic jô-stems. Their inflection is the same as that of giba, except in the nom. and voc. sg. which hav i insted of ja. – Further exampls: þiudangardi, kingdom; ƕôftuli, glory; *haiþi, field, heath; *wasti, garment; *frijôndi, f., frend; *fraistubni, temptation.

Note 1. Like mawi (for the change of w into u, s. § 42), whose inflection corresponds to that of bandi, inflects also þiwi, þiujôs, maid-servant.

2. I-Declension

§ 99. The i-declension contains only masculins and feminins. Both genders properly ought to inflect precisely alike. But this is the case in the pl. only, while the sg. of the masculins has the gen. and dat. after the analogy of the a-declension.

Masculins

§ 100. Paradim: balgs, wine-skin (proethnic Germanic balgi-z).

§ 101. The number of masculins inflecting like balgs is not very great; e. g., gasts, guest; gards, house; muns, thought; mats, meat, food; saggws, song; sauþs, saudis, sacrifice; brûþ-faþs (d), bridegroom; staþs (d), sted, place.

Note 1. Words not occurring in the nom., dat., acc. pl. can not with certainty be referd to this declension (cp. § 91, n. 1). In many cases, however, we can infer from the remaining Germanic languages to what declension they belong. Accordingly, the word saiws, sea, lake, belongs here; and, particularly, a number of verbal abstracts like qums, arrival; drus, fall; wlits, face; runs (gen. runis), a running; grêts, weeping; krusts, gnashing.

Note 2. The s of the nom. is dropt according to § 78, n. 2; e. g., ur-runs, ur-runsis; drus, drusis; baúr, baúris (< baíran, to bear), sun.

Note 3. naus, a ded person, is explaind according to the rules for w (§ 42); nom. pl. naweis, acc. pl. nawins; so, also, the acc. and voc. sg. nau.

Note 4. For wêgs and aiws, s. § 91, n. 5; for the acc. pl. andins, s. § 92, n. 1.

Feminins

§ 102. Paradim: ansts, favor (proethnic Germanic ansti-z).

§ 103. A great number of feminins belong to this class. Exampls: qêns, woman, wife; dails, deal; wêns, hope; nauþs, nauþais, need; siuns, sight; sôkns, serch; taikns, token; fahêþs, fahêdais, joy; magaþs (þ), maid; fadreins, generation, family; arbaiþs (d), work; asans, harvest; ahaks, duv; those in -duþs, -duþais (perhaps -dûþs; cp. § 15, n. 1): mikilduþs, greatness; managduþs, abundance; ajukduþs, eternity; gamainduþs, communion.

Very numerous ar the verbal abstracts which may be formd from every strong verb by means of the dental suffix t (þ, d); e. g., gaskafts, creation; þaúrfts, need; ganists, salvation; fralusts, loss; gakusts, test; gabaúrþs, birth; gataúrþs, destruction; manasêþs (d), world; dêþs, deed; gahugds, thought.

Note 1. Here belong also the abstracts in -eins, -ôns, -ains, derived from the weak verbs of the I., II., and III. Weak Conjugations, respectivly; e. g., naseins (< nasjan), salvation; laiseins, doctrin; háuheins, a 'heightening', hense praise; galaubeins, belief; naiteins, blasfemy; laþôns (< laþôn), invitation; salbôns, salv, ointment; mitôns, consideration; þulains (< þulan), suffering, patience; libains, life. – But those in -eins hav the nom. and gen. pl. according to the ô-declension. Thus, for exampl:

So in one exampl also the dat. pl.: unkaúreinôm; II. Cor. XI, 8. – The pl. of the abstracts in -ôns, -ains is regular: mitôneis, mitônê, etc.

Note 2. Whether words ar f. or m. is doutful when they do not occur in a distinctiv case; as, lists, craftiness; fulleiþs (or fulleiþ, n.), fulness.

Note 3. The s of the nom. is dropt according to § 78, n. 2; e. g., us-stass, us-stassais, resurrection; garuns, -runsais, street.

Note 4. haims, village, forms its pl. according to the ô-declension: haimôs, etc.

3. U-Declension

Masculins and Feminins

§ 104. The masculins and feminins of the u-declension ar identical in form. Paradim: sunus, sun.

§ 105. Further exampls: (a) masculins; e. g., áirus, messenger; asilus, ass; dauþus, deth; wulþus, glory; hûhrus, hunger; þaúrnus, thorn; haírus, sword; liþus, lim; lustus, lust; magus, boy; faírƕus, world; fôtus, foot; stubjus, dust; wrêþus, flock (§ 7, n. 3); in -assus (Kluge, Stammbildg., § 137 et seq.): draúhtinassus, warfare; ibnassus, evenness; þiudinassus, kingdom; in -ôdus, -ôþus (Kluge, Stammbildg., § 134); e. g., auhjôdus, tumult; gabaúrjôþus, plezure.

(b) The only feminins ar certainly only handus, hand; kinnus, cheek; waddjus, wall (cp. Beitr., 16, 3181), and perhaps asilus (if ὄνου in Lu. XIX, 30. Joh. XII, 15, means she-ass).

The gender of sum is doutful; as, qaírnus, mil; flôdus, flud; luftus, air.

Note 1. Foren words like aggilus, angel; sabbatus, sabbath, fluctuate in the pl. between the u- and i-decl.; s. § 120, n. 1.

Note 2. There is a notewurthy fluctuation between u and au (aú? cp. § 24, n. 4) in the terminations of the sing. All cases of this kind hav been collected by Leo Meyer in his 'Got. Spr.', p. 574. au occurs for u: nom. sunaus; Lu. IV, 3; faírƕaus; Gal. VI, 14 (in cod. B = faírƕus in cod. A); Bartimaiaus; Mt. X, 46; – acc. handau; Mk. VII, 32; þiudinassau; Lu. IX, 27; haírau; Rom. XIII, 4 (in A = haíru in Cod. Car.); – voc. sunau (often), magau; Lu. II, 48.

Reversely we find u for au: gen. dauþus; Lu. I, 79; wulþus; Rom. IX, 23; apaustaulus; II. Cor. XII, 12 (in A = apaustaulaus in B); dat. wulþu; Lu. IX, 26; Paítru; Gal. II, 7 (in A = Paítrau in B).

From the great number of exampls, however, we infer that the abuv paradim is by all means the regular one; the deviations just mentiond ar merely owing to confusion on the part of later copyists. When a word occurs in two manuscripts, it generally has the correct form in one. Especially in Cod. Amb. A and in the gospel of Lu. the u-decl. is confused in this way. Cp. Beitr., 18, 2801.

Neuters

§ 106. The word faíhu, muney (orig. 'catl', = OHG. fihu) is the only neuter sb. of this class which occurs in several cases in the singular. No n. pl. is found.

Note 1. Also gairu, sting, is n. It occurs only in the nom. sg. (II. Cor. XII, 7 in A, as a gloss to hnûþô). – The sb. leiþu, fruit-wine, probably belongs here too; only the acc. sg. leiþu occurs (Lu. I, 15); cp. Gallée (§ 223, n. 1), I, p. 38. – The acc. sg. sihu, a gloss to the neuter sigis, victory, in Cod. B I. Cor. XV, 57, is probably miswritn for sigu (because the i in sihu would hav becum aí) which may also belong to a masculin (nom. sg. *sigus = OHG. sigu). But cp. J. Schmidt, 'Idg. Neutra', 153.

Note 2. The gen. faíháus has been inferd from the m. (f.) and from the adv. gen. filaus (§ 131, n. 3).

B. N-DECLENSION (WEAK DECLENSION)

1. Masculins

§ 107. Paradim: guma, man.

§ 108. Like guma inflect a great many masculins; e. g., staua, judge; hana, cock; skula, detter; mêna, moon; atta, father; ahma, spirit; blôma, flower; milhma, cloud; hliuma, hearing; weiha, priest; swaíhra, father-in-law; magula, litl boy; pl. brôþrahans, brothers (J. Schmidt, 'Idg. Neutra', 16); —bandja, prisoner; haúrnja, trumpeter; fiskja, fisher; timrja, carpenter; arbja, heir; wilja, wil; manamaúrþrja, (man-)murderer; waúrstwja, workman.

Note 1. aba, man, has the gen. pl. abnê, dat. pl. abnam; of aúhsa, ox, occurs the gen. pl. aúhsnê. Cp. the neuters in § 110, n. 1. Onse (I. Cor. IX, 9) we meet with the acc. pl. aúhsununs which either stands for aúhsuns (according to § 80, n. 1; cp. Anz. fda. 6, 120) or for aúhsnuns (Beitr., 8, 115; 12, 543; Brgm., I, 203).

Note 2. The long stems in -ja do not contract the ji of the gen. and dat. sg. into ei (s. § 44, n. 1); hense, bandja, gen. bandjins, dat. bandjin.

2. Neuters

§ 109. Paradim: haírtô, hart.

§ 110. Like haírtô inflect but few substantivs: augô, ey; ausô, ear; barnilô, litl child; auga-daúrô, window; þaírkô, hole, ear of a needl; kaúrnô, corn; sigljô, seal. Cp. J. Schmidt, 'Indog. Neutra', 106 et seq.

Also the weak adjectivs (§ 132).

Note 1. Irregular forms occur in the pl. of the neuters namô, name, and watô, water. The sg. inflects like haírtô. Paradim:

The pl. of watô occurs only in the dat. watnam. Cp. § 108, n. 1.

Note 2. To the dat. sg. sunnin which occurs (twice) in the frase: at sunnin urrinnandin (Mk. IV, 6. XVI, 2), belongs perhaps a neuter sunnô (not a m. sunna), beside the f. sunnô, sun (§ 112). – Cp. Mahlow, 'Die langen vocale a, e, o', p. 156, and Sievers' comments on this in the appendix to the 3d G. edition of this grammar.

Note 3. The word gajukô which was formerly regarded as n., is f., 'a female cumpanion'. Cp. Bernhardt's 'Vulfila', comment on Phil. IV, 3.

3. Feminins

§ 111. The feminins of the n-declension ar divided into two classes: stems in -ôn- and -ein-. Their inflection is the same. Paradims: tuggô, tung; managei, multitude.

§ 112. Like tuggô inflect many substantivs; as, qinô, woman, wife; ûhtwô, dawn; swaíhrô, mother-in-law; azgô, ashes; gatwô, street; staírnô, star; wikô, week; sunnô, sun (cp. § 110, n. 2); —arbjô, heiress; brunjô, brestplate; tainjô, basket; niþjô, female cuzin; raþjô, account.

Note 1. Also the feminins of the weak adjectivs inflect like tuggô (§ 132).

§ 113. Nearly all substantivs inflecting like managei ar derived from adjectivs. Such an abstract in -ei may be formd from every adjectiv, hense the great number of these words; e. g., diupei, depth; laggei, length; bleiþei, mercy; mikilei, greatness; braidei, bredth; frôdei, wisdom; hardu-haírtei, hard-hartedness; drugkanei, drunkenness; sum can not be referd to corresponding adjs., but they likewise denote a state; e. g., þaúrstei, thirst; magaþei, maidenhood. But very few hav a concrete meaning; as, aiþei, mother; þramstei, locust; kilþei, womb; marei, sea; ƕaírnei, skul.

Note 1. There is a close resemblance between adjectival abstracts in -ei and the verbal abstracts in -eins (cp. § 103, n. 1); e. g., háuhei, height (< háuhs), but háuheins, a heightening, praise (< háuhjan). Both hav the acc. sg. háuhein.

In one case there is confusion. In Jo. X, 33 we meet with a gen. sg. wajamêreins (nom. wajamêreins, blasfemy) from which it is customary to infer a nom. wajamêrei, tho in its meaning such a form is impossibl.

Note 2. In Cod. B. three nominativs sg. in -ein ar found: liuhadein, illumination; II. Cor. IV, 4 (liuhadeins in A; comp. this passage in Bernhardt's 'Vulfila'); wiljahalþein, favor; Col. III, 25 (wanting in A); gagudein, piety; I. Tim. IV, 8 (gagudei in A).

Note 3. The comparativs, the superlativs in -ma, and the prs. participls form their feminin like managei (cp. § 132, n. 4).

C. MINOR DECLENSIONS
(REMAINS OF CONSONANTAL DECLENSIONS.)

§ 114. Nouns in -r denoting relationship. The words brôþar, brother; daúhtar, daughter; swistar, sister; fadar, father, hav replaced their old consonantal inflection in the nom., acc., and dat. pl. with the forms of the u-declension (§ 104). Paradim:

Note. Cp. the cpd. brôþru-lubô, brotherly luv (§ 88^a, n. 3; § 210, n. 1).

§ 115. The present participls in Gothic inflect like weak adjectivs (§ 133). An older (substantival) inflection, however, persists with sum participls uzed substantivly. Paradim: nasjands, savior.

Furthermore: fijands, fiend; frijônds, frend (> frijôndi, § 98), daupjands, the Baptist; mêrjands, preacher; bisitands, neighbor; talzjands, teacher; -waldands, ruler (all-w., the Almighty; garda-w., master of the house); fraweitands, avenger; fraujinônds, ruler; midumônds, mediator; gibands, giver. Cp. Zs. fdph., 5, 315.

§ 116. A number of feminins following in sum cases the i-decl. (ansts, § 102) appear in others as short forms which ar remains of an old consonantal inflection. Paradim: baúrgs, (burg), town, city.

Like baúrgs inflect also alhs, templ; spaúrds, race-course; brusts, brest; dulþs, feast; waíhts, thing; miluks, milk; mitaþs (d), mezure.

The word nahts, night, inflects in the sg. like baúrgs, in the pl. only the dat. nahtam is found. Cp. nahta-mats, § 88a, n. 3.

Note 1. waíhts and dulþs chiefly follow the i-declension; hense, g. sg. waíhtais, dulþais. According to the cons. declension occur onse each the dat. sg. dulþ and acc. pl. waíhts. Beside waíhts there is a n. nom. sg. waíht in the combination ni-waíht, nothing.

§ 117. Masculins with short (consonantal) cases: manna, man; mênôþs, month; reiks, ruler; weitwôds, witness (cp. § 74, n. 2). But in point of inflection they ar not fully alike.

(1) manna follows in sum cases the n-decl. (guma, § 107). These cases ar here put in Italics:

Note 1. To manna belongs the cpd. *alamans (all men), found in the dat. pl. alamannam (Skeir.) only; also the neuter gaman (cumpanion, cumpany) which inflects, however, in all the extant forms (nom. acc. sg. gaman, dat. sg. gamana, dat. pl. gamanam) precisely like waúrd (§ 93).

Note 2. In composition the stem mana- (man-) appears; s. § 88a, n. 3.

(2) mênôþs and reiks follow in the g. sg. the a-decl.: mênôþis, reikis, but in the dat. sg. the short forms mênôþ and reik (Eph. II, 2) occur. In the nom. acc. pl. the short forms mênôþs and reiks ar uzed; gen. pl. reikê. In the dat. pl. mênôþum, but reikam. – Beside the nom. sg. weitwôds there occur the acc. sg. weitwôd and the g. pl. weitwôdê.

Note 3. The g. sg. mênôþis (Neh. VI, 15) is not quite certain; Löbe red mênôþs.

Note 4. Here belongs also the nom. bajôþs, dat. bajôþum, both (s. § 140, n. 1).

§ 118. The neuter fôn, fire, has this form in the nom. acc. sg., but funins in the gen., and funin in the dat. – No plural occurs. Cp. § 12, n. 3.

Note 1. Concerning the neuter genitivs guþs and hatis, s. § 94, n. 3, and § 94, n. 5, respectivly.

APPENDIX.
DECLENSION OF FOREN WORDS

§ 119. A number of foren words from the Latin and Greek wer fully adopted into the Gothic language thru commercial and political intercourse, so that their inflection is the same as that of purely Gothic words; e. g., pund, n., pound; marikreitus, m., perl; Krêks, m., Greek; karkara, f., 'carcer'; alêw, n., oil; kaisar, m., Cæsar.

§ 120. A second portion of foren words wer at a later period forced on the Gothic language by Christianity and especially by the version of the Bible. To these belong for the most part proper nouns which ar stil felt to be foren elements and hav but imperfectly adopted the Gothic inflection. For their treatment in Gothic no fixt rules can be givn. Sumtimes they retain their Greek inflection, sumtimes they take either similar or arbitrarily formd case-endings. – Cp. Bernhardt's 'Vulfila', p. XXVIII, and especially M. H. Jellinek, 'Beitr. zur erklärung der german. flexion' (Berlin 1891), pp. 76-84.

Note 1. Most consistent is the treatment of the Gr. masculins in – ος, Lt. – us, which inflect in Gothic according to the u-decl. (§§ 104, 105); e. g., Paítrus, Barþaúlaúmaius, Teitus, aípiskaúpus, ἐπίσκοπος; apaústaúlus, ἀπόστολος; aggilus, ἄγγελος; sabbatus, sabbath. But only in the sg. pl. forms follow mostly the i-decl.; e. g., apaústaúleis, sabbatins, aggileis, aggilê beside aggiljus.

Note 2. Greek case-endings ar retaind in the neuters alabalstraún, ἀλάβαστρον; praitôriaún, πραιτώριον, etc.; Israêleitês has the nom. pl. Israêleitai = Ἰσραηλῖται; Rom. IX, 4; or (with Gothic inflection) Israêleiteis; II. Cor. XI, 22.

Note 3. The following exampl may illustrate arbitrary inflection. The Gr. ἐπιστολή is represented in Goth. by aípistaúlê (nom. sg.). But the dat. sg. is aípistaúlein, the dat. pl. aípistaúlêm, and the acc. pl. aípistaúlans.

CHAP. II. DECLENSION OF ADJECTIVS

§ 121. In Gothic, as in all other Germanic languages, adjectivs hav two kinds of inflection, the strong and the weak. The strong inflection is the original one corresponding to that of the cognate languages, the weak originated on Germanic soil. Every normal adj. may hav both a strong and a weak inflection. The distinction is a syntactic one: the weak form is employd after the articl (rarely in other positions), the strong form in all other cases, especially when the adj. is uzed predicativly, or attributivly without the articl. Cp. Zs. fda., 18, 17-43.

A. STRONG ADJECTIVS

§ 122. The strong inflection of adjectivs is in part the same as the vocalic (or strong) inflection of the substantivs with which it was originally identical. In Germanic, however, sum cases of the adj. hav adopted the pronominal inflection, so that the identity between the adjectival inflection and that of the substantivs is now confined to certain cases. The nom. and acc. sg. of the neuter gender hav two forms of the same value, a substantival and a pronominal one (in -ata). The latter, however, is not uzed predicativly.

The Gothic adjectiv, like the substantiv, has three vocalic declensions: (1) Adjectivs of the a-declension which correspond to the substantival a-declension in the m. and n. (§ 89 et seq.) and in the f. of the ô-declension (§ 96 et seq.). – A subdivision is formd by the ja-stems, just as in the case of the corresponding substantivs. (2) Adjectivs of the i-declension which correspond to the substantivs in §§ 99-103. (3) Adjectivs of the u-declension belonging to the substantivs in §§ 104-106.

Classes (2) and (3), however, contain but very few remains in Gothic. The few adjectival ja-stems hav in most of the inflectional cases past over to the 1st class, so that the normal strong declension of the adjectivs in Gothic embraces only the a-declension and its subdivision, the ja-stems.

Note. Subject to strong inflection ar all pronouns (except sama and silba, § 132, n. 3), the cardinal numbers, inasmuch as they inflect adjectivly, and anþar, the second; also the adjectivs of a more general meaning: alls, all; ganôhs, enuf; halbs, half; midjis, 'medius'; fulls, ful.

§ 123. Paradim of the strong adjectival declension: blinds, blind. The pronominal forms differing from the inflection of the corresponding substantivs ar in the following paradim put in Italics:

§ 124. Here belong most of the extant adjectivs; e. g., hails, hole, helthy; siuks, sik; juggs, yung; triggws, tru, faithful; swinþs, strong; ubils, evil; aiweins, eternal; haiþiwisks, wild; mahteigs, mighty; ansteigs, gracious; manags, much, many; môdags, angry; handugs, wise. – Also adjectiv pronouns; as, meins, mine, my; þeins, thine, thy; seins, his; jains, yun; the superlativs (§ 137) and pps. pass.; as, numans, taken; nasiþs, saved (cp. § 134).

Note 1. According to § 78, n. 2, the s of the nom. sg. is dropt, (1) after s; e. g., swês, swêsis, own; gaqiss, gaqissis, consenting. (2) after r preceded by a short vowel: anþar, the second, the other; unsar, our; izwar, your; ƕaþar, which of the two. Accordingly, the nom. pl. warai must hav had a nom. sg. war, wary.

Note 2. The rules for the hardening of final soft spirants (79) must be noted; as, frôþs, frôdis, wise; gôþs, gôdis, good (§ 74); liufs, liubis, dear; daufs, daubis, def (§ 56, n. 1).

Note 3. Stems having a w before the case-endings ar subject to the rule for final w (§ 42) in the nom. sg. m. and n. The three words of this kind occur only in other cases. Therefore the noms. pl. fawai, qiwai, usskawai suggest as noms. sg. m. and n. faus, fau, few; qius, qiu, alive; usskaus, usskau, wakeful. According to usskawjan (to awake, § 42, n. 2), also usskaws might be supposed insted of usskaus. For lasiws, s. § 42, n. 1.

Note 4. The pronominal adjectivs in -ar: unsar, izwar, anþar, ƕaþar, hav in the n. sg. only the shorter forms: unsar, izwar, etc.

§ 125. Adjectiv-stems with ja before the endings (ja-stems) hav most of their forms like the paradim blinds. Only in few forms a change is caused by the j. As in the case of nouns, we distinguish between short and long adjectival ja-stems.

Paradim of a short ja-stem: midjis, midl:

§ 126. As regards inflection, the m. midjis is closely related to the substantiv harjis (§§ 90. 92), the n. midi to the substantiv kuni (§§ 93. 95). The fem. midja shows no deviation whatever.

Only a small number of adjectivs belong to this class: aljis, another; sunjis, tru; ga-wiljis, unanimous; unsibjis, criminal; -fraþjis, minded (only in grinda-, sama-fr.); ƕarjis (§ 160); also those whose stems end in a vowel (§ 44, c): niujis, new; -tôjis, doing (as, ubiltôjis, evil-doing).

Note 1. On account of the small number of these adjs. sum forms of the abuv paradim ar not extant. Thus, the short form of the neuter midi is givn in conformity with the long stems (§ 127), and that of niujis would be niwi; only niujata occurs; the n. of -tôjis would be -taúi (§ 26, a).

Note 2. The adj. – stem frija-, free, which occurs in the f. sg. frija, frijaizôs, frijai, frija, and in the m. forms, acc. sg. frijana, nom. pl. frijai, acc. frijans, has a contracted nom. sg. m. freis (for frijis). Also the gen. sg., if extant, would be freis.

Note 3. The nom. sg. f. of niujis is niuja (contrary to þiwi, § 98, n. 1).

§ 127. The long ja-stems inflect in the pl. like midjis. Paradim wilþeis (stem wilþja-), wild, in the sg.:

§ 128. The infl. of the m. is related to that of the sb. haírdeis (§§ 90. 92), the infl. of the f. to that of bandi (§§ 96. 98; only wôþi occurs; II. Cor. II, 15). None of the few adjs. of this class occurs in the gen. sg.; wilþjis (Rom. XI, 24) probably stands for wilþjins; s. § 132, n. 1.

Further exampls: alþeis, old; faírneis, old; aírzeis, astray; wôþeis, sweet.

§ 129. According to § 122, only remains of the original adjs. of the i- and u-declension ar extant in Gothic, viz.: nom. sg. of all genders, acc. sg. n., and gen. sg. m. and n. All other extant cases hav past over to the inflection of the ja-stems (§§ 125-127). The same rule applies to the weak forms (§ 132, n. 1).

Note. The old form of the gen. sg. [m.] n. is seen in skeiris (Skeir. 45) for the i-decl., in filaus (§ 131, n. 3) for the u-decl.; the latter, of course, is only a partial proof for the adj.

§ 130. The adjectival i-stems ar connected with the substantivs balgs, ansts (§§ 99-103). Exampls: hrains, clean; gamains, common; brûks, uzeful; analaugns, hidn; anasiuns, visibl; andanêms, agreeabl; andasêts, abominabl; sêls, kind (unsêls, wicked); suts, sweet; skeirs, clear; gafáurs, sober (unfáurs, talkativ); aljakuns, of different kind. The paradim hrains inflects thus:

Note 1. A gen. sg. f. as wel as a longer n. form (like hrainjata) ar not extant.

Note 2. A word may with certainty be referd to this class, (1) if it occurs in the nom. sg. f. (hrains), (2) if besides the nom. sg. m. and n. also cases with j ar found. But if only the nominativs m. and n. (hrains, hrain) occur, the word may inflect like blinds (123); if only j-cases (as, hrainjamma) ar found, it may decline like wilþeis, midjis (§§ 127. 125). – Other adjectivs, however, ar without sufficient proof, but for other considerations, included in this class; e. g., skauns, beutiful; auþs, desolate, waste; hauns, base; bleiþs, merciful; gadôfs, fit; *mêrs, famous (in wailamêr, nom. sg. n.). – Cp. Kluge, Stammbildg., §§ 178. 197. 229-231; Beitr., 14, 167; 15, 489; Brgm., II, 287.

Note 3. Adjectival i-stems may be inferd from adverbs in -iba (§ 210); e. g., arniba, gatêmiba.

§ 131. The adjectival u-stems ar related to the substantivs sunus (fem. handus), faíhu (§§ 104-106). Exampls: hardus, hard; qaírrus, meek; þaúrsus, dry; tulgus, stedfast; manwus, redy; aggwus, narrow; aglus, difficult; seiþus, late; þlaqus, tender; twalibwintrus, twelv years (lit. winters) old. Paradim hardus:

Note 1. Whether adjectivs belong to this class is seen from the nom. sg. in which the abuv adduced exampls occur (the only f. forms being þaúrsus and tulgus; Beitr., 15, 570; 16, 318). laushandus, empty-handed; hnasqus, soft; kaúrus, hevy, ar merely inferd from their ja-cases.

Note 2. From the adv. glaggwuba (§ 210) an adj. glaggwus (§ 68) can be inferd.

Note 3. The original adj. *filus, much, is preservd in Goth. in the nom. acc. sg. n. uzed substantivly and adverbially: filu, the gen. filaus being uzed adverbially.

B. WEAK ADJECTIVS

§ 132. The weak declension of adjectivs is fully identical with the weak or n-declension of nouns (§§ 107-112). But it must be noticed that the f. of the weak adj. inflects like the paradim tuggô (cp. § 112, n. 1). – Exampl of an inflected weak adj. (blinds, § 123):

Note 1. Like blinda inflect all weak adjectivs. Of ja-stems: nom. sg. niuja, niujô, niujô (cp. § 126), wilþja (§ 127); —i-stems: hrainja, hrainjô; u-stems: hardja, hardjô (cp. § 129 et seq.). – In the cases with i (gen. dat. sg. m. n.) of the long stems in -ja- (-i-, -u-) the forms with -ji- appear as the regular ones (as in the sb., § 108, n. 2; contrary to § 44, c); cp. wilþji(n)s; Rom. XI, 24; unhrainjin; Mk. IX, 25. Lu. VIII, 29; unsêljin; Mt. V, 39. Jo. XVII, 15. But beside unsêljins; Eph. VI, 16 (in A) unsêleins (in B); beside faírnjin; Mk. II, 21. Lu. V, 36, also faírnin; II. Cor. VIII, 10. IX, 2.

Note 2. Sum adjectivs occur only in the weak forms; as, usgrudja, idle, despondent; alaþarba, poor; usfaírina, blameless; inkilþô, pregnant, and a few more of which sum ar probably to be regarded as substantivs (cp. Zs. fda., 18, 41, note). – The weak form ainaha (no strong form occurs), only, has in Lu. VIII, 42 the nom. sg. f. ainôhô (cp. Beitr., 12, 203) which is certainly incorrect for ainahô.

Note 3. All ordinals except 1st and 2nd (cp. § 146), and the prns. sama and silba (§ 156) follow the weak inflection only.

Note 4. Lastly, the prs. ptcs. (§ 133), comparativs (§ 136), and the superlativs in -ma (§ 139) inflect exclusivly like weak adjs. But all these words hav the f. according to the paradim managei (§ 113, n. 3).

C. DECLENSION OF THE PARTICIPLS

§ 133. The present participl has lost its strong inflection and declines like a weak adj., but with the f. in -ei (§ 132, n. 4). Only the nom. sg. m. has frequently both the strong and the weak inflection. Paradim gibands, giving:

Note 1. Concerning the shorter inflection of sum participls uzed substantivly, s. § 115.

§ 134. The prt. ptc. pass., like an ordinary adj., follows the strong and weak inflection; e. g., the pp. of the stv. giban:

The pp. of the wv. nasjan:

Note. Concerning the interchange between þ and d in the pp. of the weak verbs, s. § 74.

D. COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVS

1. COMPARATIV

§ 135. The comparativ degree of adjectivs in Gothic is formd by means of two suffixes, -iz- and -ôz-, to which the terminations of the weak adjectivs ar added.

The formation with the suff. -iz- is more general than the other. It is found in adjs. of all kinds; e. g., managiza (< manags, a-stem), alþiza (< alþeis, §§ 127. 128), hardiza (< hardus, § 131). – But the suffix -ôz- occurs in a-stems only: frôdôza (< frôþs), swinþôza (< swinþs).

Note. The adj. juggs, yung, has the compar. jûhiza (according to § 50, n. 1). Its superlativ is not extant.

§ 136. The comparativs inflect exactly like weak adjectivs, but the f. ends in -ei (§ 132, n. 4):

etc., like the prs. ptc. (§ 133).

2. SUPERLATIV

§ 137. The superlativ degree, like the comparativ, is formd in two ways, in -ist- or in -ôst-; e. g., managists (< manags), armôsts (< arms, poor). The inflection of the superlativs is precisely the same as that of ordinary adjectivs – strong and weak.

Note. No rule can be givn for the appearance of the ô or the i in the suffix, except that the ô-form occurs only with a-stems. We may suppose that a word which forms the compar. by means of i, has i in the superl. also, and that, in like manner, the ô-forms correspond to each other. This supposition, however, is only founded on a few extant exampls.

3. IRREGULAR COMPARISON

§ 138. The lack of comparison of sum adjectivs is supplied by comparativs and superlativs with a corresponding meaning, but without a positiv:

§ 139. A superlativ with an m-suffix is found in six words, which ar derived from adverbial stems and appear without a positiv. The m-suffix is either simpl: fru-ma, innu-ma, aúhu-ma, or compound: af-tuma, if-tuma, hlei-duma.

Two of them hav assumed a comparativ meaning: aúhuma, higher; hleiduma, left (ἀριστερός); the others hav a superlativ or an intensiv signification: aftuma, the last; iftuma, the next; innuma, the inmost; fruma, the first.

These words follow the weak inflection, but hav the f. in -ei, exactly like the comparativs.

Note. Sum superlativs in -ma ar compared anew in the uzual manner: aftumists, the last; aúhumists, oftener than aúhmists (cp. OE. ŷmest, Sievers-Cook, OE. Gr., § 314, n. 3), the highest; frumists, the first. – The forms hindumists, hindmost, spêdumists, last (< *spêþs, beside spêdiza, spêdists), suggest the missing hinduma and spêduma. Also miduma, midst, midumônds, mediator, point to a form *miduma, midl (cp. OE. meodume, midmest).

CHAP. III. NUMERALS

1. CARDINALS

§ 140. The first three numerals ar declinabl in all cases and genders.

1. ains, n. ain and ainata, f. aina, inflects entirely like a strong adj. (blinds, § 123). Plural forms mean only, alone. No weak inflection is found. (§ 122, n. 1).

The nom. of the m. and f., which is not extant, may with certainty be givn as þreis.

Note. The definit dual number 'both', ἀμφότεροι, is renderd by bai, which inflects like twai. The extant forms ar nom. m. bai, dat. baim, acc. bans, nom. acc. n. ba. – There occurs also an extended form with the same meaning, its inflection being that of a consonantal substantiv (§ 117, n. 4): nom. bajôþs, dat. bajôþum.

§ 141. The numerals from 4 to 19 ar of one gender. Extant ar: fidwôr, 4; fimf, 5; saíhs, 6; sibun, 7; ahtau, 8; niun, 9; taíhun, 10; ainlif (§ 56, n. 1), 11; twalif, 12; fidwôrtaíhun, 14; fimftaíhun, 15. These numerals ar uzed uninflected, but may take an inflected gen. and dat. according to the i-declension (§ 99 et seq.). Thus, fidwôr, dat. fidwôrim; niun, gen. niunê; taíhun, dat. taíhunim; ainlif, dat. ainlibim; twalif, gen. twalibê, dat. twalibim.

Note. For fidwôr appears fidur- (s. § 24, n. 2) in cpds.: fidurfalþs, fourfold; fidurdôgs, time of four days; fidurragineis, tetrarch. Cp. Beitr., 6, 394; Brgm., III, 11.

§ 142. The tens from 20 to 60 ar formd by means of the pl. tigjus (< *tigus, a decad), preceded by the units. tigjus inflects regularly like sunus (§ 104). The object counted is always givn in the gen. —twai tigjus, 20; *þreis tigjus, 30 (extant in gen. þrijê tigiwê, acc. þrins tiguns), fidwôr tigjus, 40; fimf tigjus, 50; saíhs tigjus, 60.

§ 143. From 70 to 100 -têhund takes the place of tigjus: sibuntêhund, 70; ahtautêhund, 80; niuntêhund, 90; taíhuntêhund and taíhuntaíhund, 100. The numerals in -têhund ar substantivs which ar as a rule indeclinabl. Onse (Lu. XV, 7) we meet with an inflected gen. sg.; in niuntêhundis jah niunê garaíhtaizê. – Cp. Brgm., III, 40.

§ 144. The hundreds ar formd by means of the plural of a neuter hund (a hundred). The following ar extant: twa hunda, 200; þrija hunda, 300; fimf hunda, 500; niun hunda, 900.

§ 145. þûsundi, 1000, is a f. sb. (inflecting like bandi, § 96), with a gen. pl.; several thousands ar exprest by þûsundjôs. – Onse (Ezra II, 14) occurs a n. pl. twa þûsundja. Cp. ahd. gr., § 275. OE. Gr., § 327, and Mahlow, 'Die langen Vocale', p. 98.

The extant thousands ar: twôs þûsundjôs, 2000; .g. þûsundjôs, 3000; fidwôr þûsundjôs, 4000; fimf þûsundjôs, 5000; taíhun þ., 10000; miþ twaim tigum (dat.) þûsundjô (gen.), with 20000.

Note (to §§ 141-145). The numerals ar very often denoted by letters (cp. § 1, n. 2). Therefore so many words for numerals ar wanting.

2. ORDINALS

§ 146. The first two ordinals differ in point of stem from the corresponding cardinals. 1. m. fruma, n. frumô, f. frumei (s. § 139), and the superl. frumists, first (§ 139, n. 1). 2. anþar, second, other, inflects like a strong adj. (§ 122, n. 1; § 124, ns. 1. 4). – All subsequent ordinals ar derived from the cardinals and inflect like weak adjectivs (§ 132, n. 3). The extant ordinals ar: þridja, 3d; *fimfta (only in 15th), fifth; saíhsta, 6th; ahtuda, 8th; niunda, 9th; taíhunda, tenth; fimftataíhunda, 15th. Only the second component is declined: dat. sg. (in jêra) fimftataíhundin; Lu. III, 1.

3. OTHER NUMERALS

§ 147. A distributiv numeral is tweihnai, two apiece, two-and-two, extant in the dat. f. tweihnaim and acc. f. tweihnôs.

Note. All other distributivs ar exprest by means of the cardinals along with ƕazuh, ƕarjizuh (§§ 164. 165) or the prep. bi; as (insandida ins) twans ƕanzuh, two and two; Lu. X, 1; bi twans; I. Cor. XIV, 27.

§ 148. Multiplicativs ar formd by means of the adj. falþ-: ainfalþs, onefold; fidurfalþs, fourfold; taíhuntaíhund-falþs, hundredfold; managfalþs, manifold.

§ 149. Numeral adverbs answering the question 'how many times', 'how often'? ar exprest by the dat. sg. sinþa or by the dat. pl. sinþam (nom. sg. sinþs, time, lit. 'a going') preceded by the cardinals: ainamma sinþa, onse; twaim sinþam, twice; þrim sinþam, thrice; fimf s., five times; sibun s., seven times. – With an ordinal numeral: anþaramma sinþa, a second time.

Note. Also the n. þridjô, a third time, is uzed adverbially (II. Cor. XII, 14).

CHAP. IV. PRONOUNS

1. PERSONAL PRONOUNS WITHOUT GENDER (REFLEXIV)

§ 150.

Note 1. ugkis, igqis, etc., are also speld uggkis, iggqis; cp. § 67, n. 1.

Note 2. The nom. du. 2nd pers. is not extant; it was undoutedly jut. For jus (jûs?), s. § 15, n. 1.

§ 151. From the stems of these pronouns adjectivs ar derived, the so-calld possessiv pronouns. 1st pers.: m. meins, n. mein, meinata; f. meina, my (mine); 2nd pers.: þeins, thy (thine); refl. seins, his. Plurals: 1st pers. unsar, our; 2nd pers. izwar, your. The only extant dual poss. prn. is igqar, the 1st pers. would be ugkar.

Note 1. The inflection of these pronominal adjectivs is identical with that of the strong adj.; concerning unsar, izwar, cp. § 124, ns. 1 and 4. – No weak inflection occurs.

Note 2. The reflexiv *seins occurs only in the gen., dat., acc.; insted of the nominativs of all genders and numbers the genitivs of the prn. of the 3d pers. (is, izôs; izê, izô; § 152) ar employd.

2. PRONOUNS OF THE THIRD PERSON

§ 152.

Note. The acc. and gen. pl. n. and the nom. pl. f. ar not extant, but the inferd forms ar undoutedly correct.

3. DEMONSTRATIV PRONOUNS

§ 153. The simpl dem. prn. sa, sô, þata is uzed both as dem. prn., this, that (for the Gr. οὗτος or αὐτός), and, with a weakend force, as articl, the. The latter uze is predominant. – The neuter sing. (like the interrog., § 159) has preservd the instrumental case.

Note 1. The final as of the dissyllabic forms ar dropt in combination with enclitics beginning with a vowel; cp. § 4, n. 1. – For þei from *þa-ei, s. § 157, n. 2.

Note 2. The instr. n. þê is preservd only in the combinations bi-þê, du-þê (duþþê), jaþ-þê (§ 62, n. 3), þêei (§ 157, n. 1), and, like þana (in þanamais, þanaseiþs), before a comparativ (= E. 'the' in 'the more').

§ 154. A compound demonstrativ pronoun is formd by affixing the enclitic particl -uh to the simpl demonstrativ. Cp. § 24, n. 2. Its meaning is always that of the simpl sa uzed demonstrativly, this, that (= Gr. οὗτος or αὐτός). – It inflects thus:

Note 1. The forms in square brackets ar not extant.

Note 2. The instr. n. þêh occurs only in the adv. bi-þêh.

§ 155. A defectiv demonstrativ pronoun hi- (nom. *his = is, § 152), this, occurs only in temporal frases in the dativ m. and n. himma and in the acc. m. hina, n. hita; e. g., himma daga, to-day; und hina dag, to this day; und hita, til now.

§ 156. jains (concerning the vowel ai, cp. § 20, n. 4), n. jainata, f. jaina (yon), that, inflects like a strong adj. (blinds, § 124).

Like weak adjectivs inflect silba, self, and sama, same, or with the articl: sa sama, the same (cp. § 132, n. 3).

4. RELATIV PRONOUNS

§ 157. A simpl relativ pronoun is not found in the Gothic language. A relativ prn. of the 3d pers. is formd from the simpl demonstrativ pronoun by affixing the particl ei which, when uzed independently, has the force of a conjunction, that, in order that. This relativ pronoun inflects as follows:

Note 1. The instr. n. þêei is uzed only as a conjunction.

Note 2. Beside þatei occurs þei, which is employd, however, only in combination with ƕah (§ 164, n. 1), and (like þatei) as a conjunction, that. Cp. Beitr., 4, 467; 6, 402; Zs. fda., 29, 366 et seq.

Note 3. Insted of the nom. sg. saei, m., sôei, f., also izei, m., sei (i. e. si-ei, § 10, n. 2), f., (formd from the 3d pers. of the pers. prn., § 152) ar employd. The form sei occurs even more frequently than sôei. Sumtimes izei stands as nom. pl. m. (for eizei which is not found); e. g., þai izei bimaitanai sind; Gal. VI, 13. – For izei the form izê is often found; cp. § 17, n. 1.

Note 4. Concerning the change of final s before ei into z, s. § 78, c.

§ 158. When a relativ clause refers to a prn. of the 1st or 2nd pers., the relativ particl is affixt to the respectiv pers. prn. Thus, ikei, who (1st pers. sg.); —þuei, who; þuzei, to whom (as in Mk. I, 11); þukei, whom (2nd pers. sg.); —juzei, who; izwizei, to whom (2nd pers. pl.).

5. INTERROGATIV PRONOUNS

§ 159. The interrogativ pronoun ƕas, who? (= Lt. quis), is formd from the simpl interrogativ stem ƕa-. A substantiv following ƕas occurs always in the genitiv; e. g., ƕa mizdônô, τίνα μισθόν; Mt. V, 46.

Note 1. The gen. f. is not extant. The instr. occurs only in the neuter (cp. sa, § 153).

Note 2. ƕas has no plural; cp. however ƕanzuh, § 164, n.

Note 3. ƕas is also employd as an indefinit prn.; cp. § 162, n. 2.

§ 160. From stem ƕa- ar derived: ƕaþar, which of two?, and ƕarjis, which? A substantiv following is always put in the gen. Both words inflect like strong adjectivs —ƕaþar like anþar (cp. § 124, n. 1), ƕarjis like midjis (§ 125), f. ƕarja, the n. *ƕarjata like ƕarjatôh (§ 165).

§ 161. Compound interrogativs: ƕileiks, what sort of?, 'qualis?' (its correlativ being swaleiks, such, 'talis'), and ƕêlauþs, f. ƕêlauda, how great?, 'quantus?' (correlativ swalauþs, so great, 'tantus'). These words inflect like a strong adjectiv.

Note. ƕeleiks (in Lu. I, 29), for ƕileiks, is probably miswritn (according to § 10, n. 5).

6. INDEFINIT PRONOUNS

§ 162. The Goth. indefinit pronoun sums, f. suma, n. sum, sumata, sum (Gr. τις, τι), inflects like a strong adjectiv and is uzed adjectivly; with the meaning sum one, a certain one, it is also uzed substantivly.

Note 1. An enumerativ expression is sums…sums (= Gr. ὁ μέν…ὁ δέ). In most cases uh (§ 24, n. 2) is added to the second sums, occasionally also to the first; as, sumai…sumáih, or sumáih…sumáih, sum … others.

Note 2. Also the interrogativ ƕas (§ 159) is very often uzed as an indefinit prn., anyone.

§ 163. The enclitic particl -hun is uzed to form indefinit pronouns which occur only with the negativ particl ni. Their meaning is no one, none.

(a) The singular of manna, man (§ 117), with the suffix -hun means no one. – The extant forms ar:

n. ni mannahun, d. ni mannhun, g. ni manshun, acc. ni mannanhun.

(b) ni ƕashun (< ƕas, § 159), uzed substantivly, no one. It occurs in the nom. sg. m. only. – An analogon to ƕashun is ƕanhun (< ƕan, § 214, n. 1).

(c) ni ainshun, the commonest indef. prn., is uzed substantivly (no one, none) and adjectivly (no, not any). A following sb. occurs always in the (partit.) gen.; e. g., ni ainshun þiwê, no servant; Lu. XVI, 3. – The declension of ainshun differs in sum cases from that of the simpl form ains (§ 140).

Note. -hun is also affixt to the acc. sg. of the sb. ƕeila (§ 97, n. 2): ƕeilôhun, for an hour (ni ƕeilôhun, οὐδὲ πρὸς ὥραν; Gal. II, 5).

§ 164. 'Every' is renderd by affixing -uh to the interrogativ pronouns.

(a) ƕazuh, every. A noun or prn. following takes the gen. Its inflection differs in part from that of the simpl form ƕas (§ 159):

In the pl. only the acc. ƕanzuh occurs.

Note 1. The indef. relativ 'whoever, whosoever' (Lt. quicunque) is renderd: (1) by ƕazuh saei or, with sa prefixt, saƕazuh saei. For saei also izei is found (§ 157, n. 3). – These forms ar uzed in the nom. sg. only, the nom. n. þataƕah þei (þei = þatei, § 157, n. 2) occurs twice: Jo. XV, 7. 16. – (2) by þisƕazuh followd by saei or ei in all cases; the first component, þis, remains uninflected: m. n. þisƕazuh saei, dat. þisƕammêh saei, acc. þisƕanôh saei; – nom. acc. n. þisƕah þei (or þatei), gen. þisƕizuh þei, dat. þisƕammêh þei.

Note 2. Here may be observd the adverbs: ƕêh (instr. of ƕazuh), at least, at any rate, only, and þisƕaduh þei, whithersoever, þisƕaruh þei, wheresoever (cp. ƕaþ, ƕar, § 213, n. 1).

§ 165. (b) ƕarjizuh, every, each.

Note. ƕarjizuh is also compounded with (uninflected) ain: ainƕarjizuh, every one, every, each, n. ainƕarjatôh, dat. ainƕarjammêh, etc.

§ 166. Each of two is renderd by ƕaþaruh; it occurs only in the dat. ƕaþarammêh (Skeir. 46), for the evidently incorrect ƕaþaramma (cp. Bernhardt's comment on this passage); – also with ain- prefixt (cp. § 165, n. 1): ainƕaþaruh, each one of two (only ainƕaþarammêh occurs; Skeir. 41).

CHAP. V. CONJUGATION

GENERAL REMARKS

§ 167. The Gothic verb has the following forms:

1. Two voices, Activ and Midl. The Activ Voice alone has preservd a great variety of forms. The Midl Voice is retaind in but a few forms of the prs. indicativ and optativ, which occur, however, very often. The midl forms hav a passiv meaning. Therefore the Midl Voice is also calld Passiv or Medio-Passiv Voice.

Note 1. The lost passiv forms ar supplied by the pp. along with the corresponding forms of waírþan or wisan; e. g., daupjada, he is baptized, but daupiþs was or warþ, he was baptized. Cp. Zs. fdph., 5, 409 et seq.

Note 2. The originally inchoativ verbs in -nan (§ 194) frequently hav a medial meaning (§ 194).

2. Two tenses, Present and Preterit (Perfect). The Preterit is the general tense for the past. The future is wanting; its place is mostly supplied by the present, seldom by means of auxiliary verbs (skulan, shal; haban, hav; duginnan, to begin).

3. Two complete moods, Indicativ and Optativ (also calld Subjunctiv). An Imperativ occurs only in the present; it has the second persons of all three numbers and a 1st pers. pl. – There ar but few instances of a 3d pers. sg. and pl. imper. This is uzually exprest by the 3d pers. opt. But also the 2nd and 1st pers. imp. ar frequently exprest by the opt.

4. Three numbers: Singular, Dual, and Plural. The 3d pers. du. is wanting.

5. The Present Infinitiv, the Present Participl with an activ meaning, and the Preterit Partic. with a passiv meaning.

§ 168. The Gothic verbs ar, from a Germanic point of view, divided according to the formation of the preterit in relation to the present into two chief classes:

I. Strong Verbs

The strong verbs do not form the preterit with an additional suffix, but by change of the radical vowel or by reduplication. Thus, we hav two subdivisions:

1. Ablaut Verbs. The preterit of these verbs is formd without reduplication. It differs from the present only by a regular change of the radical vowel, the so-calld ablaut (cp. § 29); e. g., binda, I bind, band, I bound.

2. Reduplicating Verbs. The prt. has reduplication, but no ablaut; e. g., halda, I hold, haíhald, I held.

3. Reduplicating Ablaut Verbs. A smaller number of verbs hav the prt. both with ablaut and reduplication; e. g., lêta, I let; laílôt, I let (prt.).

II. Weak Verbs

The weak verbs form the preterit by the addition of a suffix beginning with a dental consonant; e. g., nasja, I save, nasida, I saved. This suffixal element, -da, was formerly regarded as a form of the verb 'do' (Germanic dôn), wherefore the weak prt. was also calld 'compound preterit'.

The weak verbs (except a few) ar derivativ verbs. According to their formativ suffixes, which ar best preservd in the preterit forms, they ar divided into four classes: (1) Suffix i (in the present j): nasja, nasi-da. (2) Suffix ô: salbô, salbô-da. (3) Suffix ai (in the present in part obscured): haba, habai-da. (4) Suffix nô (in the present n): fullna, fullnô-da.

Note. The small number of verbs which can not be referd to the two chief classes must, according to this classification, be considerd 'irregular'.

I. STRONG VERBS

A. INFLECTION OF THE STRONG VERBS

§ 169. The inflection of the strong verbs (by means of personal endings) is the same in all three classes (§ 168). Therefore we first giv the paradims of inflection and then discuss the formation of the tense-stems (which is different in each class). As paradims may serv a reduplicating verb, haitan, to be calld, and two ablaut verbs, niman, to take, and biudan, to offer.

§ 170.

Note 1. biudan is subject to the rules for the final soft spirants (§ 79): imper. sg. biuþ, prt. bauþ (cp. § 374). Likewise giban, gif, gaf (cp. § 56).

Note 2. The termination of the 2nd pers. sg. prt. (-t) causes the change stated in the rule for consonants before dentals (§ 81). Final b of stems becums f: gaft (inf. giban); exampls for pt ar wanting: skôpt or skôft? (inf. skapjan); —g remains unchanged in magt (§ 66, n. 1), other exampls ar wanting; neither ar there any exampls for kt (wôkt or wôht? cp. § 58, n. 2); – dentals becum s: warst < waírþan, qast < qiþan (§ 71, n. 3), gastôst < standan, baust < biudan (§ 75, n. 1), bigast < gitan, haíhaist < haitan (§ 69, n. 2). – The extant 2nd pers. prt. of saísô (inf. saian) is saísôst. On account of the scarcity of exampls it is uncertain whether all stems ending in a vowel had -st. – The 2nd pers. prt. of rinnan is rant (§ 80).

Note 3. Only one strong verb is found (twice) in the 3d pers. sg. imper.: atsteigadan, καταβάτω; Mt. XXVII, 42. Mk. XV, 32 (cp. § 186, n. 1). The 3d pers. pl. may be givn with certainty according to the weak verb (§ 192, n. 1).

Note 4. The dual forms of the verb occur very seldom. The 1st pers. du. opt. prt., nêmeiwa, etc., which is only givn according to the corresponding form of the prs. nimaiwa, is not found at all. Also the 2nd pers. du. opt. prt. is but an inferd form according to the anomalous wileits (§ 205).

Note 5. Concerning the irregular formation of the present of sum strong verbs with j, s. § 206, n.

B. TENSE-FORMATION OF THE STRONG VERBS

1. Ablaut Verbs

§ 171. The ablaut verbs form their tense-stems by a regular change of the radical vowel, the so-calld ablaut. The several ablaut-series and the conditions of their appearance wil be found givn in §§ 30-35. To each of these series belong ablaut verbs, and therefore six ablaut classes must be distinguisht. Each ablaut verb contains four ablaut vowels which appear in the formation of the verb in the following manner: (1) The first vowel belongs to the present and to what is connected with the present (prsp., inf., also medio-passiv). (2) The second vowel is that of the sg. prt. indic. (3) The third vowel appears in the du. and pl. prt. indic. and thruout the prt. opt. (4) The fourth vowel belongs to the pp.

In order to determin the inflection of a strong verb, it is customary to giv the following four forms (principal parts): (1) 1st pers. sg. prs. indic., or the prs. inf.; (2) 1st pers. sg. prt. indic.; (3) 1st pers. pl. prt. indic.; (4) the pp.

In the following we arrange the ablaut verbs according to their classes.

§ 172. Class I. Verbs of the first ablaut series: ei—ái—i (aí) (cp. § 30); e. g., greipa, graip, gripum, gripans, to gripe, seiz; i before h (ƕ) becums aí by breaking (§ 20): leiƕa, láiƕ, laíƕum, laíƕans, to lend.

Note 1. Like these inflect: deigan, to knead; steigan, to mount; gateihan, to show; þeihan, to thrive; þreihan, to throng; weihan, to fight; —beitan, to bite; dis-kreitan, to tear to pieces; ga-smeitan, to smear; -weitan (inweitan, to wurship; fraweitan, to punish); beidan, to wait; leiþan, to go; sneiþan, to cut; —weipan, to crown; dreiban, to drive; bi-leiban, to remain; sweiban, to cease; —reisan, to rize; skeinan, to shine; hneiwan, to decline, bow; speiwan, to spit.

Note 2. The n of keinan (OHG. kînan), to germinate, occurs only in the prs. stem (cp. § 206, b); the pp. is kijans (only in uskijanata; Lu. VIII, 6). The prt. *kai, *kijum, has been replaced by a weak prt. of the IV. weak conjugation (keinôda

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1

For the values of this sign according to 'Amended Spelling', s. 'Standard Dictionary', p. 568.

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