Jean Comte Rapp
Memoirs of General Count Rapp, First aide-de-camp to Napoleon
CHAPTER XXIII
The grand army was already on the Vistula. Napoleon quitted Paris, repaired to the capital of Saxony, and thence to Dantzic. He had been preceded by the King of Naples, who had solicited permission to go to Dresden, but without success. The refusal had mortified him exceedingly: he told me that the Emperor caused him great vexation and unhappiness; such, at least, was his own account. We were the first persons whom the Emperor received. He began the conversation with me by a rather odd question—"What do these Dantzickers do with their money; they gain a good deal, and I spend a good deal among them?" I replied that their situation was far from being prosperous—that they were suffering greatly; in short, that they were at their last gasp. "There will be a change soon," he replied, "that is agreed upon; but I will keep them to myself."
He was fatigued, and in consequence the King of Naples and I withdrew. I was recalled in a moment, and I remained with the Emperor while he dressed. He asked me several questions respecting the duty of the fortress. When he was dressed, and his valet-de-chambre had left the room, he said, "Well, General Rapp, the Prussians have become our allies, and the Austrians will shortly be so too." "Unfortunately, Sire," replied I, "we do a great deal of mischief as allies; I receive complaints against our troops from all quarters." "That is merely a passing cloud," said he: "I shall see whether Alexander really intends to go to war; I will avoid it if I can." Then, changing the conversation all at once, he said, "Did you observe how queer Murat looked? he seems ill." I replied, "No, Sire, he is not ill, but out of humour."—"Why out of humour?" said he; "is he not satisfied with being a King?"—"He says, he is not a King."—"Why, then, does he act so like a fool? He ought to be a French man, and not a Neapolitan."
In the evening I had the honour to sup with Napoleon, the King of Naples, and the Prince de Neufchatel. Before we sat down to table we conversed on the subject of the war with Russia: we were in the saloon. The Emperor suddenly perceiving a marble bust on a bracket, said, "Whose head is that?" "Sire," I replied, "it is the Queen of Prussia's." "So, General Rapp, you keep the bust of the fair Queen in your house: She did not like me." "Sire," I replied, "I presume I may be allowed to possess the bust of a pretty woman: besides she is the wife of a King who is now your ally."
Next morning we went out on horseback; Napoleon visited the fortress, and did not appear satisfied with the works. When he perceived that I was not aware what object displeased him, he flew into a passion and said, before a number of persons, "That he did not understand why his governors took upon themselves to act the part of sovereigns, and that he wished his orders to be executed." There had, indeed, been a little deviation from the strict letter of his commands; but it was trifling, and was not worth the words that were made about it. The King of Naples said to me, in a low tone of voice, "Do not vex yourself about these reproaches; the Emperor is out of temper. He received letters this morning which put him in an ill humour." We afterwards returned home. Napoleon received the generals and officers under my command, as well as the civil authorities. To the latter he put many questions respecting trade and finances. They deplored the state of their affairs. "It will change soon," said he, "I will keep you to myself; it is a thing determined upon: none but the great families prosper." Then perceiving M. de Franzins the elder, he said, "You do not complain, M. de Franzins; your affairs are in a thriving condition; you have amassed a fortune of at least ten millions."
In the evening I had again the honour of supping with Napoleon, the King of Naples, and the Prince de Neufchatel. Napoleon maintained silence for a long time: at length he suddenly asked how far it was from Dantzic to Cadiz. "Too far, Sire," I replied. "Ah! I understand you, General," said he; "but we shall be further off a few months hence."—"So much the worse," I added. The King of Naples and the Prince de Neufchatel did not speak a word. "I see, Gentlemen," said Napoleon, "that you do not wish for war. The King of Naples does not like to leave his beautiful kingdom, Berthier wishes to hunt at Gros Bois, and General Rapp longs to be back to his superb hotel in Paris." "I must confess," I observed, "Sire, that your Majesty has not spoiled me; I know very little of the pleasures of the capital."
Murat and Berthier continued to observe profound silence: they seemed to be piqued at something. After dinner they told me that I had done right to speak as I did to Napoleon. "But," replied I, "you should not have allowed me to speak alone."
CHAPTER XXIV
Napoleon quitted Dantzic, and proceeded to Kœnigsberg. Murat accompanied him, and General Belliard was also there. He spoke to them a great deal about Spain, and his brother, with whom he was dissatisfied. General Flahaut returned from a mission on which he had been sent to Prince Schwartzenberg. He rendered an account of the devotedness of the Prince, and of his impatience to attack the Russians. The Emperor did not appear to place perfect reliance on the sincerity of the Prince; however, he allowed himself to be persuaded that, at length, his protestations might become sincere, and that benefits might inspire sentiments of gratitude. He explained his plan and intentions as follows:—"If Alexander," said he, "persists in his refusal to execute the conventions which we have mutually entered into, if he will not accede to the last proposals I made him, I will pass the Niemen, defeat his army, and possess myself of Russian Poland. This last territory I will unite to the Grand Duchy: I will convert it into a kingdom; where I will leave 50,000 men, whom the country must support. The inhabitants wish to form themselves again into a national corps. They are a warlike people, and will soon possess a numerous and disciplined force. Poland wants arms: I will supply them: she will be a check upon the Russians; a barrier against the irruptions of the Cossacks. But I am embarrassed on one point; I know not what course to adopt with regard to Galicia. The Emperor of Austria, or rather his Council, is reluctant to part with it: I have offered ample compensation for it, but it has been refused. I must await the course of events, which alone can show us what ought to be done. Poland, if well organized, may furnish 50,000 cavalry,—what say you, General Belliard?" "I think so, Sire," replied the General; "if your Majesty would mount the infantry of the Vistula on horseback, it would make excellent light cavalry, and might thus be successfully opposed to the cloud of Cossacks which precede the Russian forces."—The Emperor said, "We shall see what can be done. You will return with Murat and leave your Swiss: by the by, what do you think of the Swiss?"—"They will march, Sire; they will fight. They have improved greatly; they would not be known for the same troops that they were six weeks ago. I will go and see them to-morrow."—"Well," observed the Emperor, "rejoin Murat and inspect all the cavalry in company with him."
The proposals which the Emperor had spoken of were not accepted. The Russians complained of our forces and our commercial measures, and they required that we should evacuate Germany. We marched forward and arrived on the banks of the Niemen, which five years before had been the scene of our victories. The troops raised shouts of joy. Napoleon proceeded to the advanced posts, disguised as a chasseur, and reconnoitred the banks of the river, in company with General Axo. He afterwards spoke for a few moments with the King of Naples; pointing out to him the points at which it would be proper to throw bridges over the river, and directing him to concentrate his troops, in order that the passage might be rapidly effected. The cavalry was mounted; the infantry was under arms; never was there a grander spectacle. Eblé set to work; the pontoons were laid at midnight: at one o'clock we were on the right bank of the Niemen, and General Pajol was at Kowsno, which had been evacuated by Bagawouth, and we took possession of it without striking a blow. We continued to press on; we marched incessantly, but we perceived only a few Pulks of Cossacks blending with the line of the horizon. We arrived at Wilna, and found its immense magazines in flames. We extinguished the fire, and the greater part of the provisions were saved.
CHAPTER XXV
The conflagration, the sight of the ground which had been so often trodden by the Polish legions on their return from their glorious expeditions, excited fresh ardour; the troops were inspired by the force of their recollections. We dashed on in pursuit of the enemy; but the rain fell in torrents and the cold had become severe. We were now in the bogs and quagmires of Pultusk, and we were destitute both of shelter and clothing. All this, however, would have been nothing, had the Russians ventured to let us come up with them; but they reached the Borysthenes and crossed the Dwina, flying and ravaging the country which they passed through: we were maintaining a racing contest, rather than carrying on a war. They had now lost all unity and connexion, and we abandoned the hope of coming to an engagement. The enemy, however, having gained ground by dint of speed, succeeded in rallying his forces, and he took refuge in the works which he had constructed at Drissa. But he was soon in danger of being attacked in his intrenchments and of having his retreat cut off. He did not venture to incur this double risk, and therefore fled. He would have been lost, had he delayed for a few hours: all the necessary arrangements were made for attacking his flank and intercepting him. He owed his safety to a coup de main. Some of our advanced corps, not being sufficiently vigilant, were surprised by Wittgenstein. Napoleon concluded that the Russians were marching upon us, and halted his columns. This delay saved them: when we arrived at Beszenkownzi they had effected their retreat. The King of Naples followed them. He came up with them, and attacked them at Ostrowno. He charged them some leagues further on and routed all their rear-guard. The following is his report, which I insert because it is characteristic of the manner of this prince, who deserved to die only on the field of battle:—
"I ordered the first corps of the reserve of cavalry and two battalions of light infantry to advance. They were followed by Delzons' division. We came up with the enemy's rear-guard about two leagues from Ostrowno. It was advantageously posted behind a deep ravine, with a great mass of artillery, and having its front and flanks covered by thick woods. A little firing took place on both sides; I sent the battalions to check the enemy's infantry who were repulsing our hussars. Delzons' division arrived and the cavalry had nothing farther to do. The Viceroy made his arrangements, and we marched upon the enemy and crossed the ravine. The foreign cavalry which lined the bank of the Dwina protected our left, and debouched in the plain. The rest of the light troops advanced along the high road in proportion as the enemy's infantry retrograded. The cuirassiers were left in reserve behind the ravine, and the batteries were mounted. My right was covered by immense woods, and I had numerous parties of pioneers. The enemy was driven to the second position in the rear of the ravine, where the reserve was stationed. He brought us back into the ravine, and he was again repulsed: he drove us back a second time, and was on the point of taking our guns, which had got entangled in a defile, through which they were passing in order to take a position on the heights. Our left was repulsed, and the enemy made a bold movement on our right: the foreign brigade was on the point of being dispersed. In this state of things nothing but a charge of cavalry could enable us to recover ourselves; I attempted it. We advanced to meet the enemy's infantry, which was marching boldly along the plain. The brave Poles rushed on the Russian battalions: not a man escaped, not a single prisoner was made; all were killed, not even the wood protected them from the sabres of our cavalry. At the same time the squares were broken by the charge. General Girardin, who was leading the battalions on the left, made a movement on the right, and advanced along the high road on the enemy's rear; the troops on the right performed the same manœuvre. General Piré supported them; he charged at the head of the eighth hussars. The enemy was routed, and owed his safety only to the ravines which retarded our advance. The whole division followed the movement: the infantry advanced along the high road and the cavalry debouched on the heights. I gave orders for firing on five or six cavalry regiments that were before us. In this situation your Majesty came up with me; you ordered me to pursue the enemy, and I drove him to a league and a half beyond Witepsk. Such, Sire, is the narrative of our late engagement with the Russians. The enemy has had about three thousand killed and a great number wounded; we have scarcely lost a man. This result was, in a great measure, the work of Count Belliard, who on this occasion gave new proofs of his devotedness and courage. To him we are indebted for the preservation of the artillery of Delzons' division."
Fatigue and even lassitude have, in the long run, the effect of inspiring courage. Barclay experienced this. He several times entertained the design of risking the fate of a battle; but a foreboding of defeat constantly possessed him at the sight of our troops. Whenever he found them within sight, he hurried his retreat; he beheld without concern his magazines, his guns, and his works fall into our hands. He had but one object in view, which was to keep constantly a few leagues in advance of us. Bagration imitated this example, but he occasionally evinced resolution. He had several engagements with our advance-guard. Marshal Davoust pursued him vigorously; but the King of Westphalia advanced but slowly. A dispute arose between this sovereign and Vandamme; and, in consequence, the orders were not executed. This circumstance saved the Russian Prince. He gained ground, reached Mohiloff, and was beaten: he certainly would have fared worse but for the dispute between Vandamme and the King of Westphalia, which Napoleon of course could not foresee. The Russians, who were dispersed along the banks of the Niemen, combined their forces on the shores of the Borysthenes. They were preparing for the defence, and we for the attack of Smolensko.
CHAPTER XXVI
I had left Dantzick, and I traversed Lithuania; the country was dreary, it was made up of woods and steeps—an unlimited picture of poverty and desolation. It was at that season of the year when Nature displays her riches, yet vegetation was weak and drooping, every thing in those fatal countries depicted wretchedness, every thing foretold the disasters which were to overwhelm us.
The rain still continued, the roads were broken up, and impassable, the men were losing themselves in the mud, and perishing from fatigue and hunger: ten thousand horses lay lifeless on the ground that we had gone over within these two days; never had such a frightful mortality before signalized the commencement of a campaign; our soldiers, continually sliding on the clayey ground, were exhausted in fruitless exertions: most of them were unable to keep up, they lagged behind; the allied troops especially had a prodigious number in arrear. It was easy to foresee that the issue of the war would be disastrous: we had in our favour force and courage, but Nature took part with them;—we were to fall. However, I arrived at Wilna; I found there the Duke de Bassano, whose prognostics were less gloomy, General Hogendorp, Napoleon's aide-de-camp, with whom I was yet unacquainted, and General Jomini, who afterwards deserted our colours. All augured better than myself of the struggle in which we were engaged. It presented itself, indeed, under specious auspices: all Poland was in motion; men, women, peasants, citizens, gentlemen, all were animated with the most noble enthusiasm; troops were organising, administrations were forming, resources were collecting, and the people were preparing themselves to drive oppression beyond the Borysthenes. The Diet of Warsaw had opened; the Polish nation, which had so long been beaten by the tempest, thought that it had at last reached a port; no sacrifice seemed too much for it. The speech of the President had excited general acclamations, every where it had been received with joy. I was curious to read it; M. de Bassano gave it me. "It might have been better," he observed, "but still it is tolerable." The Emperor would have wished it stronger in facts, and its expressions less tinged with the affectation of learning. It was the energy of the patriot, and not the measured movements of the orator, that was necessary in so serious a juncture; nevertheless it produced its effect.
"For a long time there had existed in the centre of Europe a celebrated nation, mistress of an extensive and fruitful country, brilliant with the double glory of war and arts, protecting for ages, with an unwearied arm, the barriers of Europe against the barbarians who raged around its frontiers. A numerous people prospered in this land. Nature repaid their labours with liberality. Often had her kings taken a place in history by the side of those who had most honoured the supreme rank.
"This country is Poland; you are that people: but what are you become? How has the dilaceration of our country been effected? How has this family, which even when it was divided did not separate, which had remained united through ages of divisions, how has this powerful family seen itself dismembered? What have been its crimes, who its judges? By what right has it been attacked, invaded, effaced from the list of states and nations? Whence have the oppressors come, whence the chains? The indignant universe would answer us—every state, every people would tell us that it thought that it saw its tomb open by the side of that of Poland; and that in the audacious profanation of the laws on which all societies alike repose, in the insulting contempt which was manifested for them to accomplish our ruin, the world might think itself put in subjection to the temporary purposes of monarchs, and that now it would have no other law. Europe, alarmed and threatened, would point out to our just resentment the empire which, while it caressed us, was particularly preparing to press upon her with an increased force. It is Russia that is the author of all our evils. Within a century she advances with gigantic stride towards a people who before were ignorant of her name.
"Poland perceived immediately the first effects of this increase of the Russian power. Placed in her immediate vicinity, she received her first, as her last blows. Who could enumerate them from the time when, in 1717, Russia tried her influence by the disbanding of the Polish army? Since that epoch, what moment has been exempt from her influence or her outrages? If this crafty power joined herself to Poland, it is to impose on her, as in 1764, that fatal guarantee which made the integrity of our frontiers dependent on the perpetuation of anarchy; to make that anarchy the means of accomplishing her ambitious designs. The world knows what they have been since that unlucky epoch. It is since then that, by partition after partition, Poland has been seen completely to disappear, without crime and without vengeance; it is since that time that the Poles have heard with indignation the insulting language of the Repnins, of the Sivers; it is since then that the Russian soldier bathed himself in the blood of their fellow-citizens, as a prelude to that for ever execrable day, must we recall it, in which, in the midst of the shouts of a savage conqueror, Warsaw heard the cries of the population of Prague, which was destroyed by fire and murder. Pole, for it is time to make that name which we should never lose resound in your ears, these are the hateful means by which Russia has succeeded in appropriating to herself our fine provinces; these are the claim, the only claim, she possesses on us. Force alone could enchain us, force may also break the fetters which she alone has forged. These fetters shall be broken. Poland, then, shall exist,—what do we say? She exists already, or rather she has never ceased to exist. How can the perfidy, the plots, the violence, under which she has fallen—how can they have affected her right? Yes, we are still Poland; we are so by the title that we hold from nature, from society, from our ancestors, from those sacred titles which the universe recognizes, and which form the safeguard of mankind."
I was carried away by enthusiasm. I had so often seen the brave Polish legions in Italy, in Egypt, and elsewhere! They were right indeed, they were still Poland. "In point of courage," I said to the Duke, "nothing will surprise me on the part of this brave people; but I own I did not suspect it of this sort of talent." "You are right," replied M. de Bassano, "they have plenty of other things to do than to make harangues!" "Who, then, is the writer?" "The Abbé." "What Abbé? Do you think the Emperor has a predilection for churchmen?" "No; but in fine, at the present time, it is not without powerful considerations that an embassy is confided to a priest." "Is it the Archbishop?" "The very man; we have sent him to Warsaw to intoxicate the Poles by his eloquence. I do not think him very skilful in business, but he is entirely devoted to the Emperor;—that is the main affair. His enemies accuse him of being ambitious and restless, without steadiness in his affections, or in his ideas of praising white and black; of being the mere creature of circumstance. I believe this picture a caricature. I myself am persuaded that, if events compromise the glory of our arms, he will not be seen among the ranks of our detractors." "I firmly believe it; he has abused the Cossacks too much ever to become their patriarch."
The deputation of the Diet was still at Wilna. I was acquainted with a few of the members. I saw them; they talked to me of their hopes, of their means, of their rights. These ideas struck me, I gave an account of them to the Duke.—"You are admirable!" said he in reply. "What! do you not recognize the Archbishop? Do you not see with what art he betrays himself? and these biblical reminiscences, to whom would you have them occur but to a priest. Besides I will give you the document."
"Sire, the Diet of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, assembled at the approach of the powerful armies of your Majesty, recognized at the outset that it had rights to reclaim and duties to fulfil; with an unanimous voice, it has constituted itself a general confederation of Poland; it has declared the kingdom of Poland re-established in its rights; and, at the same time, that the acts of usurpation and arbitrary power, by which its existence had been destroyed, were null and of no effect.
"Sire, your Majesty labours for posterity and for history. If Europe cannot mistake our rights, she can still much less mistake our duties. A free and independent nation, since the remotest times, we have not lost our territory and our independence, either by treaties or by conquest, but by perfidy and treachery. Treachery has never constituted rights. We have seen our last king dragged away to St. Petersburgh, where he perished; and our nation torn to shreds by princes with whom we were not at war, and by whom we have not been conquered.
"Our rights appear thus evident to the eyes of God and men. We, Poles, we have the right to re-establish the throne of the Jagellons and Sobieskis, to re-assert our national independence, to re-assemble our divided members, to arm ourselves in defence of our native country, and to prove, by fighting in its defence, that we are the worthy descendants of our ancestors.
"Can your Majesty disown us or blame us, for having done that which our duty, as Poles, demanded of us; and for having resumed our rights? Yes, Sire. Poland is proclaimed from this day; she exists by the laws of equity, but she ought to exist in fact; right and justice proclaim our resolution to be legitimate; but it ought to be supported on our part. Has not God punished Poland enough for its divisions? will he perpetuate our misfortunes? and must the Poles, after having cherished the love of their country, go down to the tomb wretched and without hope? No, Sire. You have been sent by Providence, power is placed in the hands of your Majesty, and the existence of the Grand Duchy is due to the power of your arms.
"Say, Sire, Let the kingdom of Poland exist! and the decree will be to the world equivalent to the reality. We are sixteen millions of Poles, among whom there is not one whose blood, arms, and fortune, are not devoted to your Majesty: every sacrifice will appear to us light, if it has for its object the reestablishment of our native country. From the Dwina to the Dniester, from the Borysthenes to the Oder, one word only from your Majesty will command every arm, every effort, every heart. This unexampled war which Russia has dared to declare, notwithstanding the recollections of Austerlitz, Pultusk, Eylau, Friedland; in spite of the oaths taken at Tilsit and at Erfurth, is, we have no doubt, an effect of Providence, which, moved by the misfortunes of our nation, has determined to bring them to a termination. The second Polish war has only just begun, and already we pay our homage to your Majesty in the capital of the Jagellons. Already are the eagles of your Majesty on the Dwina, and the armies of Russia, separated, divided, cut up, wander in uncertainty, and seek in vain to unite and to form themselves, &c."
"It is well.—Yes, undoubtedly; but he is so enchanted with the _chef-d'œuvre_, that he would think himself wanting to his glory if he did not publish to the world that his genius protects Poland. Twenty times a-day I am obliged to moderate these excesses of self-love. This very morning I have been remonstrating with him on the impropriety of his freaks of vanity. He Ossianizes; do you recollect the word? It describes him admirably. But now, if his style goes well, his embassy scarcely moves. But for Duroc, who covers him with his wing, I would have already sent him to his flocks. What the devil has the almonership in common with embassies? Why should he put himself to the trouble of so much exertion, to do nothing of any possible use?"